Wednesday, August 4, 2010

CHRISTIAN CROSS / CRUX : A STORY

Like the crescent in Islamic iconography, the cross (Latin crux) in European art is not an original symbol of Christianity. It is an ancient solar symbol, a pre-Christian graphic expression of mystic power of fire, war and fertility, or primitive image of the human body. But like the ‘Muslim Crescent’, the Cross is popularly identified with the Christian religion.

The earliest communities of followers of the Prophet ‘Isa (Ieshua, Jesus) did not use the cross as symbol of their faith. In the ancient ‘Christian’ graffiti from Palestine and Roman catacombs of the first century CE, Jesus’ teachings are symbolically depicted as fish, deer, ship, peacock, anchor, bread, shepard, lamb, bunch of grapes, swastika (crux gammata), letter M, X, etc.
For sure, in Dar al-Islam, the cross embodies not only Christendom but also sinister Christianism of the anti-Islamic crusaders. In the pre-modern Muslim folk tales, the Christian king was pejoratively called ‘Abd al-salib (slave of cross). The invading Frankish crusaders (frandji) outraged Muslim in the occupied western Asia by erecting large crosses over the seized buildings and desecrated mosques converted into churches. These hated crosses were recognized as the symbols of brutal occupation, belligerency, and religious conceit of the crusading barbarians from the Far West as well as signs of misfortune for the Muslims. Muslims who fought under it were inevitably doomed to defeat.

Al-Qadi al-Fadli (573 AH-643 AH), an Arab annalist, narrated that the Franks were obsessed with their iron, wooden and painted crosses. “They never go to a danger without having it; they would fly around like moths around the lamp’s fire. Their captured tyrant bore in his hand the cross by which were led to battle the people of ignorance”.

Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597 AH), mocked the crucimania of the Franks on the example of one of their priests who led his crusaders to Damascus; He “hung a cross round his neck and put two crosses in his hands and hung a cross round the neck of his donkey. More crosses he placed in front of him”. He was confident with such a large number of Frankish amulets will break the resistance of ‘saracens’ in the besieged Damascus in 543 AH. He was wrong, and the Muslims who armed themselves with precious copies of ‘Uthmanic Qur’an captured him. The outraged Muslim commoners executed both the fanatical monk and unnecessarily killed the innocent donkey. The defenders of Damascus burned publically the “symbols of wicked Christianism”.

The minaret was also used as the antithesis of the cross during the Jihad against the Crusade. Ibn Nabih, an Ayyubid poet, praised victorious Al-‘Adil whose hands and supporters Allah used to smash the cross of the invaders. In the place of the destroyed cross, Manar al-Jamiyyah al-Islamiyyah was raised.

In the age of the Crusades, the crashing of crosses was a meaningful act in which militant Christianism was symbolically destroyed by the triumphant of Islam. Ibn Jubair in his ode, glorifies Salah al-Din Ayyubi for “breaking the despised cross by the might at battle of Hittin. The huge bronze gold-plated cross – placed by the western crusaders on the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem in 1099 CE was pulled down after the liberation of the City of First qiblah in 1187 CE. “Ibn Shaddad makes it clear that it was hurled to the ground in despite its immense size”. The valiant Ghazi Sultan salah al-Din sent this broken trophy to the Caliph in Baghdad, where it was buried underneath the Nubian Gate and trampled upon by crowd and beasts of burden.

Unfortunately, Salah al-Din Victoria magna did not halt the cyclical anti-Islamic crusades of the Occident waged against the Muslims of all races. The chilling Latin war-cry of the Western lieges: RUBET ENSIS SANGUINE ARABUM (“Make the sword red with Arab blood”) as well as the anti-Muslim genocidal papal bulls of “infallible” Urban II (Odo of Lagny), Innocent III (Lothar of Segni), Innocent IV ( Sinibaldo Fieschi), Urban III ( Uberto Crivelli), Pious II ( Silvio Eneas Piccolomini), Sixtus IV ( Francesco Della Rovere), Innocent VIII (Giovanni Battista Cibo), Alexander VI ( Rodrigo de Borja y Doms), Julius II (Giuliano Della Rovere) were never nullified by the modern Vatican and still echo in the postmodern Islamophobic hate-literature of Zionist extremist and militarism of a new unholy coalition of the reunited Res Publica Christiana, constantly reminding Muslims that Historia magistra vitae est et civi pacem para bellum ( From Plato, in Latin, means ‘History is a teacher of life and if you want peace, be prepared for war').

SOURCE: AL-SHAJARAH, Journal of ISTAC, IIUM, 2006 vol. 11, no. 2. page 220-226. By Ataullah Bogdan Kopanski and Nordalela binti Baharudin.

Sunday, July 18, 2010

IBNU KHALDUN, AL-MUQADDIMAH (PROLEGOMENA), KITAB AL-‘IBAR AND ‘UMRAN: MY BRIEF AND SIMPLE NOTES

Islam menggalakkan penganutnya berfikir dengan rasional dan kritikal; sebaliknya menegah penganutnya mengikut sesuatu dengan membuta tuli (taqlid buta). Dengan berfikir secara rasional dan kritikal, seseorang individu tidak akan hanya mempercayai dan mudah di pengaruhi oleh berita yang sampai kepada mereka tanpa melalui penapisan dan pertimbangan yang sesuai. Ibnu Khaldun, ilmuan sains sosial/historian/sociologist etc. Islam tersohor di sepanjang sejarah merasa terpanggil untuk mewujudkan method baru bagi memahami, menilai dan mendapatkan kebenaran sejarah. Ibnu Khaldun telah membuat anjakkan paradigma di dalam metodologi yang diguna pakai oleh para sejarawan Islam yang terdahulu daripadanya di dalam menghasilkan apa yang di panggil sejarah.

Ibnu Khaldun tidak melihat sejarah itu semata2 sebagai susunan fakta2 yang diperturunkan dari keturunan yang sudah2, atau fakta2 yang sukar untuk di kaitkan antara satu dengan yang lain, juga fakta2 yang terdapat unsur2 penambahan dan pemalsuan, seperti yang di lakukan oleh kebanyakkan para sejarawan sebelumnya. Namun begitu, Ibnu Khaldun menyanjung tinggi usaha2 para sejarawan generasi terawal Islam yang telah membuat sumbangan besar di dalam pengumpulan fakta2 sejarah. Bagi menyampaikan falsafah/ metodologi pemahaman sejarahnya, maka lahirlah Al-Muqaddimah (masyarakat Eropah mengenalinya dengan nama Prolegomena of Ibnu Khaldun), iaitu bahagian pendahuluan/pembukaan kitabnya yang mashyur, iaitu Kitab Al-‘Ibar (judul penuh kitab ini Kitab al-‘Ibar wa Diwan al-mubtada’ wa al-Khabar fi Ayyam al-‘arab wa al-‘Ajm wa al-barbar wa man asharahum min Dzawi as-Sultan al-Akbar).
Al-Muqaddimah Ibnu Khaldun secara ringkas bolehlah di katakan sebagai 'philosophy of history'. Ia menyentuh perihal historiografi/ penulisan sejarah. Al-Muqaddimah juga menyentuh perihal historical criticism yang menggalakkan sejarawan lebih kritikal dalam membaca dan menilai teks2 sejarah, juga menekankan kepentingan berfikir dan mengambil kira pelbagai faktor sebelum mengiakan atau menemukan sesuatu fakta2 sejarah supaya hasil penemuan/ hasil spekulasi tidak salah. Ibnu Khaldun juga menyentuh beberapa kesalahan-kesalahan yang telah dilakukan oleh para sejarawan sebelumnya.

Selain daripada Al-Muqaddimah Ibnu Khaldun yang menjadi antara karya intelektual terhebat di dunia sehingga ke hari ini (di akui oleh sejarawan2 barat sebagai antara rujukan terbaik di bidang historiografi), Ibnu Khaldun juga di kenali dengan ‘ilm al ‘umran. ‘Ilm al ‘umran ialah cabang ilmu pengetahuan berkaitan dengan pengkajian terhadap tamadun/ civilization. ‘Umran adalah perkataan bahasa arab, dan kata dasarnya ialah ‘a-ma-ra. Bahasa mudah untuk memahami ‘a-ma-ra/ ‘umran ialah ia bermaksud membangunkan, membina, memakmurkan, dan semuanya ini bersifat progress/ maju/ meningkat i.e. orang kita biasa sebut meng’imarah’kan masjid. ‘Umran boleh di translate sebagai berikut: inhabitedness, activity, busting life, thriving, flourishing, prosperity, civilization, building, edifice, structure.

Ibnu Khaldun menerangkan perihal ‘umran berdasarkan pemantauan dari kaca matanya, keadaan dan waktu di mana beliau hidup; dengan persekitaran zamannya (North African, Maghrib, Berber etc.) sebagai ‘case study’. Malahan, kita juga boleh kata kebanyakkan historian lain yang mengeluarkan teori2 mereka adalah berpandukan keadaan persekitarannya, serta berpaksikan semangat zamannya. Namun begitu, ini tidaklah bermaksud teori2 yang di keluarkan oleh para ilmuan beratus2 tahun dahulu langsung tidak relevan di praktikkan pada hari ini. Ini kerana manusia itu sebenarnya belajar daripada benda yang telah lepas, bukan benda yang ada dalam visinya atau imaginasinya.
Sebahagian penulisan Ibnu Khaldun berkaitan ‘Ilm al ‘umran adalah seperti berikut. ‘Umran menurut Ibnu Khaldun ialah proses progresif yang berterusan di lakukan oleh umat manusia yang di capai melalui usahasama dan kerjasama.

“Human society is a must. Philosophers express this by saying that man is political by nature; meaning, he cannot do without social life which is civic in nature. To explain…man cannot survive without food…the capacity of any one individual is inadequate, (there is a need) to grind, knead, and bake food, they also need craftsmen such as blacksmiths, carpenters, and potters. Individuals also need the help of their fellow men for defence…from aggressive animals, and from aggression of other human beings…(thus) the society of men is achieved and ‘umran is spread.”

Dengan wujudnya society; sokongan antara satu sama yang lain, ‘umran dapat di realisasikan. Dengan ini, umat manusia sudah memenuhi keperluan mereka yang paling asas. Peringkat seterusnya ialah mereka mahukan kehidupan yang lebih baik, dan ini boleh di capai dengan menggunakan akal/pemikiran yang rasional untuk mencari kehidupan yang lebih baik tersebut.

“Crafts, especially arithmetic and writing, bestow a certain mind on those who practice them…rational soul exist in man only potentially. Its emergence from potentiality to actuality is depicted by the rise of new sciences and perceptions derived first from the world of senses, then what is acquired afterwards by the speculative power, until it becomes active perception and pure intellect.”

Untuk mendapat akal/pemikiran yang rasional, umat manusia memerlukan ketenangan dan keselamatan. Ketenangan dan keselamatan boleh di dapati melalui kerjasama yang erat antara mereka. Maka apa yang perlu dilakukan ialah mereka perlu mengeratkan hubungan antara mereka. Ibnu Khaldun menggunakan istilah ‘asabiyah.

“The defensive and protective action (of mankind) is not effective unless they have a common ‘asabiyah or fellow feelings of having common descent…with this they become strong and powerful. The compassion and partisan support towards their relatives and blood relations becomes part of their human nature. It leads to their solidarity and mutual support, and increases the fear of their enemy…(and when it comes to fighting) it won’t do without ‘asabiyah”.

‘Asabiyah asalnya berkaitan dengan semangat kesatuan puak, keluarga, darah daging. Kesatuan ini begitu kuat dan ia berfungsi memberi sokongan dan dorongan dari segi fizikal, material mahupun emosi dan spiritual. ‘Asabiyah dapat mewujudkan perlindungan dan keselamatan di kalangan kesatuan mereka. ‘Asabiyah juga dapat menjadi penaung atau pelindung bagi golongan yang berada di luar lingkup ‘asabiyah2 tertentu dan memilih untuk di lindungi oleh ‘asabiyah2 tersebut. Perlindungan dan keselamatan dapat mewujudkan ‘working condition’ yang baik, seterusnya dapat menghasilkan pengeluaran (production) yang lebih bagus dari segi kualiti dan kuantiti.

Menyentuh perihal pengeluaran (production), Ibnu Khaldun membahagikan ‘umran kepada dua. Pertama, rural ‘umran (‘umran di kampung/pedalaman). Kedua, urban ‘umran (‘umran di bandar). Pengeluaran (production) yang berdasarkan keperluan (necessities) membentuk ‘umran yang pertama. Pengeluaran (production) yang bertujuan untuk kemewahan (luxuries) membentuk ‘umran yang kedua. Ibnu Khaldun juga menerangkan berkenaan ‘production of luxuries’.

“Should the circumstances of the working people improve, and they acquire more wealth and comfort than necessary, they would turn to a life of ease and tranquility. They would build larger houses and make plans for towns and cities to live in. further increase in their prosperity would lead to the formation of luxury habits which reach to a high degree of refinement in the preparation of food and cooking, in the selection of fancy clothes of silk and brocade. They construct ever higher buildings, and houses, with elaborate decoration”.

Dengan persekitaran yang terjamin dari segi keselamatan akan menggalakkan berlakunya ‘production of necessities’ dan ‘production of luxuries’. Pengeluar kini mula bersaing antara satu sama lain. Pihak pemerintah i.e. government pula akan menaikkan cukai2, dan cukai2 ini tidak akan mendatangkan masalah sekiranya pihak pemerintah menjalankan tanggungjawab mereka kepada penduduk, dan tanggungjawab yang paling utama ialah menjamin keselamatan dan mengamalkan keadilan kepada penduduk.

Ibnu Khaldun juga mengingatkan agar pihak pemerintah i.e government tidak ‘merampas’ atau ‘mengkhianati’ harta para penduduk (i.e melaksanakan cukai yang tak masuk akal etc.). Sekiranya perkara ini berlaku, para penduduk akan mula hilang harapan dan kepercayaan untuk mencari harta pencarian. Kesan buruk bukan sahaja akan berlaku pada diri/keluarga individu2 dari kalangan para penduduk tersebut, tetapi ia juga bakal membantutkan pertumbuhan dan perkembangan ‘umran/ tamadun/ civilization itu sendiri.

“Do not think that Zulm consist only, as it is generally held, of taking away property from its owners without cause or compensation. Whoever seizes someone else’s property, or forces work on him, makes unjust claims, or imposes an obligation not required by law, has actually oppressed him. Those who collect unjust taxes are oppressors. Those who plunder property are oppressors. In consequence, the government suffers, because ‘umran is ruined due to loss of people’s hopes.”
SOURCES: Abdullah al-Ahsan, On History, Progress, and Civilization, American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences + Ahmed Elyas Hussein, Ibn Khaldun's Contribution to Historical Criticism, in Ibnu Khaldun and Muslim Historiography, edited by Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk + etc...

Tuesday, July 13, 2010

X. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (MANSA MUSA)

MANSA MUSA
KINGDOM OF MALI
HAJJ 1324 AD / 724 AH

The term ‘Mansa’ appears to be the title of a Malian ruler during medieval times, equivalent to a king. The most notable example in the history of Mali is Mansa Musa, a Muslim leader who ruled Mali from 1312-1337 AD/ 711- 737 AH. His popularity was based largely on his pilgrimage to Mecca in 1324 AD/ 724 AH. Ibn Battuta, mentioned this celebrated figure in his accounts. Mansa Musa and his massive entourage used the land route, across the upper Niger River from his capital in Niani, Mali. They stayed for a while in Cairo before heading to Mecca.

His caravan had, according to reports, formed a moveable treasure of the Malian kingdom while en route to Cairo. With 500 slaves carrying packs of gold, this company made an imposing spectacle preceded by Mansa Musa who rode on horseback. In Cairo, most of gold was distributed among the city’s poor by Mansa Musa.

Mansa Musa was the supreme patron of Islam in Mali. Mosques and madrasas were constructed in various locations during his reign, the most famous of which is the Djenne Mosque. This mud-brick structure – the largest in the world – is still standing and has been given numerous accolades included recognition from UNESCO. These architectural accomplishments might not have happened without the meeting of Mansa Musa and Abu Ishaq Al-Sahili (1290-1346 AD/ 688- 746 AH) in the Holy City of Mecca. This talented scholar and poet had been drawn to the centre of Islamic learning, from his native Granada. Under the supervision of Mansa Musa, the Djenne Mosque was built by Abu Ishaq Al-Sahili.

MANSA MUSA
KERAJAAN MALI
IBADAH HAJI 1324 M / 724 H

Istilah ‘Mansa’ ialah gelaran bagi pemerintah Mali ketika zaman pertengahan, yang boleh di sama tarafkan dengan raja. Di antara yang terkemuka di dalam sejarah Mali ialah Mansa Musa, seorang pemerintah Islam yang memerintah dari tahun 1312 hingga 1337 M / 711 hingga 737 H. Kemashyuran yang diperolehinya adalah kerana baginda mengerjakan haji di Makkah pada tahun 1324 M/ 724 H. Ibnu Battuta ada menyebut tentang kewujudan pemerintah yang terkenal ini di dalam catatannya. Mansa Musa dan rombongannya menggunakan laluan darat, menyeberangi hulu Sungai Niger dari ibu kotanya di Niani, Mali. Mereka singgah di Kaherah sebelum menyambung perjalanan ke Makkah.

Karavan baginda dilaporkan ibarat harta yang bergerak milik kerajaan Mali sewaktu dalam perjalanan menuju ke Kaherah. Rombongan ini seolah-olah satu perarakan gilang gemilang yang diketuai oleh Mansa Musa yang menunggang kuda diiringi seramai lima ratus orang hamba yang membawa bungkusan emas dengan berat lebih kurang tiga puluh paun setiap satu. Di Kaherah, emas tersebut telah diagihkan kepada penduduk miskin.

Mansa Musa merupakan seorang penaung Islam yang agung di Mali. Sewaktu zaman pemerintahan baginda beberapa buah masjid dan madrasah telah dibina di merata tempat, yang paling terkenal ialah Masjid Djenne. Struktur binaan dari tanah liat di Timbuktu, Mali ini – merupakan yang terbesar di dunia – masih berdiri kukuh dan telah mendapat berbagai-bagai pengiktirafan termasuk dari UNESCO sehingga ke hari ini. Binaan yang tersergam ini mungkin tidak wujud jika Mansa Musa tidak bertemu dengan Abu Ishaq Al-Sahili (1290-1346 M/ 688- 746 H) di kota suci Makkah. Abu Ishaq Al-Sahili, merupakan seorang ilmuwan dan penyair berbakat yang berhijrah dari tempat asalnya di Granada ke pusat pengajian Islam di Makkah dan kemudiannya merantau ke Mali. Di bawah pengawasan Mansa Musa, Masjid Djenne telah di bina oleh Abu Ishaq Al-Sahili.
SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.

Monday, July 12, 2010

IX. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (CALIPH HARUN AL-RASHID)

CALIPH HARUN AL-RASHID
763-809 AD /146-193 AH
ABBASID DYNASTY


The Abbasid Caliph Harun Al-Rashid was born at Rayy, Iran in 763. He was the son of Caliph Al-Mahdi and Khayzuran, originally a slave girl from Yemen, who was later freed. Harun Al-Rashid was raised under the supervision of a personal tutor, Yahya Ibn Khalid Barmakid. The Barmakids were a noble Persian family that provided strong support for the Abbasid dynasty. Harun Al-Rashid ascended the throne in 786, after the death of Caliph Al-Hadi.

While the Barmakids took care of administrative matters, Harun Al-Rashid found an opportunity to go for the Hajj pilgrimage during the summer after his accession to power. He had previously been with his father in 777, and after becoming caliph he revisited Mecca another eight times. Among the pilgrimages that have been reported in history were in the year 802, with his two sons Al-Amin and Al-Ma’mun, and another with his wife Zubayda in 805.

Harun Al-Rashid spent a huge proportion of his wealth on the poor of the Holy Cities, a tradition that had been practised earlier by his father. One example of Caliph Harun’s munificence was during his pilgrimage of 802, when one and a half million gold dinars were distributed to the residents of Mecca and Medina. Harun’s wife Zubayda displayed no less generosity. She performed Hajj five or six times, and was renowned for her compassion towards the welfare of pilgrims. During her pilgrimage in 805, she and Harun witnessed the effects of drought and contributed to increasing the depth of the Zamzam well.


KHALIFAH HARUN AL-RASHID
DINASTI ABBASIYYAH
763-809 M /146-193 H

Khalifah Harun Al-Rashid dari Dinasti Abbasiyyah telah dilahirkan di Rayy, Iran pada tahun 763 M/ 146 H. Baginda merupakan putera kepada Khalifah Al-Mahdi dan bondanya Khayzuran, yang pernah menjadi hamba wanita di Yaman, yang kemudiannya telah dimerdekakan oleh Khalifah Al-Mahdi. Khayzuran telah memainkan peranan yang penting semasa pemerintahan suaminya dan juga puteranya, Khalifah Harun Al-Rashid. Khalifah Harun Al-Rashid telah dibesarkan di dalam istana dan berada di bawah pengawasan dan tunjuk ajar gurunya bernama Yahya Ibnu Khalid Barmakids. Barmakids merupakan golongan keluarga bangsawan Parsi yang memberi sokongan padu kepada kerajaan Dinasti Abbasiyyah. Harun Al-Rashid telah menaiki takhta sebagai khalifah pada tahun 786 M/ 169 H selepas kemangkatan Khalifah Al-Hadi.

Sewaktu Barmakids menguruskan hal ehwal pentadbiran, Khalifah Harun Al-Rashid telah menggunakan peluang itu untuk menunaikan ibadah haji pada musim panas selepas baginda menaiki takhta. Baginda pernah mengerjakan haji bersama ayahandanya pada tahun 777 M/ 160 H, dan mengerjakan haji sebanyak lapan kali lagi sewaktu menjadi khalifah. Di antara peristiwa yang telah dicatatkan di dalam sejarah sewaktu baginda mengerjakan ibadah haji ialah pada tahun 802 M/ 185 H iaitu sewaktu bersama dengan dua orang puteranyanya, Al-Amin dan Al-Ma’mun, dan pada tahun 805 M/ 189 H ketika bersama permaisurinya, Zubayda.

Khalifah Harun Al-Rashid telah membelanjakan sebahagian besar hartanya ke atas golongan fakir miskin di dua kota suci umat Islam, seperti yang dilakukan oleh ayahandanya. Contoh kemurahan hati Khalifah Harun Al-Rashid ialah ketika baginda mengunjungi Makkah pada tahun 802 M/ 185 H di mana baginda telah mengagihkan dinar emas sebanyak setengah juta kepada penduduk kota Makkah dan Madinah. Seperti Khalifah Harun, permaisurinya, Zubayda, juga tidak kurang dengan sifat dermawannya. Permaisuri Zubayda yang telah menunaikan ibadah hajinya sebanyak lima atau enam kali termashyur dengan sifat belas kasihannya terhadap kebajikan jemaah haji. Semasa baginda pergi ke Makkah pada tahun 805 M/ 189 H, Permaisuri Zubayda dan Khalifah Harun Al-Rashid telah menyaksikan kesan bencana banjir di Makkah lantas, terus menyumbang kepada usaha mendalamankan telaga Zamzam.
SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.

'ADIL FOR ALL: HANG TUAH THE PACIFIST

NOTA: Artikel berikut merupakan ekstrak bab 6 daripada buku tulisan Farish A. Noor berjudul What Your Teacher Didn’t Tell You.
Kita semua sudah biasa, terbiasa dan di biasakan dengan imej Hang Tuah. Hang Tuah di mata kebanyakkan daripada kita adalah seorang pahlawan Melayu yang gagah berani dari Melaka. Beliau merupakan seorang laksamana yang amat taat setia kepada sultannya, Sultan Mansur Syah dan juga tanah airnya Melaka. Beliau sanggup mendahului Sultan lebih daripada sahabat ‘kandungnya’ Hang Jebat. Laksamana dan pahlawan yang cukup patuh, cukup taat atas arahan pemerintah tanpa ada sedikit pun rasa ragu, rasa wasangka. Keris Taming Sari, merupakan simbol dan lagenda kekuasaannya. Laksamana ini sanggup meredah pelbagai rintangan, hutan belantara dan ahli sihir semata-mata demi memenuhi hajat sultan memperisterikan Puteri Gunung Ledang yang cantik rupawan. Amanat dan semangat ‘Takkan Melayu Hilang di Dunia’nya kekal terbilang, tak lekang di telan zaman.
Rentetan imej2 Hang Tuah seperti ini cukup sinonim dan dekat dengan masyarakat Malaysia, khususnya masyarakat Melayu. Imej2 Hang Tuah ini cukup kuat menyokong peranan laksamana Melaka ini sebagai calon tunggal ‘hero’ masyarakat Melayu. Dari tulisan2 para sarjana sehingga ke buku2 cerita kanak2, dari dewan kuliah universiti hingga ke kelas sekolah rendah, tema yang mendominasi imej Hang Tuah terangkum pada ruangan yang terbatas ini. Tetapi persoalannya di sini, di manakah sebenarnya terletak ‘keheroan’ Hang Tuah? Adakah keheroan Hang Tuah terletak pada huruf ‘ta’ bak kata Nujum Pak Belalang ketika mengalahkan ahli nujum negara Masai? Maka isu pencarian dan pemahaman tentang keheroan Hang Tuah inilah merupakan persoalan yang di bangkitkan oleh Dr. Farish A. Noor di dalam bukunya “WHAT YOUR TEACHER DIDN’T TELL YOU”, Chapter 6: Hang Tuah The Pacifist: Deconstructing Our National Hero. (Pacifist bermakna orang yang menentang peperangan).

Sekiranya kita membayangkan imej Hang Tuah dengan kacamata yang sinonim kita gunakan, Hang Tuah sebenarnya boleh juga di interpretasikan seperti berikut: ‘a warrior-killing machine’ (seorang mesin pembunuh) yang bersedia di hantar/ di gunakan untuk memusnahkan sesuatu yang di arahkan oleh penghantarnya, juga seorang ‘nationalist’ (rakyat yang setia kepada Melaka) yang tidak menggunakan kebijaksanaan dan common sense kerana hanya menurut perintah pemerintah tanpa usul dan periksa (hingga sanggup bermusuhan dan bertelagah dengan Hang Jebat). Secara ringkasnya, Hang Tuah di sini bolehlah di gambarkan sebagai seorang yang 'ganas', ibarat tidak boleh langsung di bawa berunding. Adakah ini imej hero kita?
Akan tetapi, jika kita melihat dari kacamata yang lebih luas, cerita Laksamana Hang Tuah tidak hanya berkisar di ruangan ini sahaja. Punca utama keterbatasan pemahaman ini berlaku adalah kerana Hikayat Hang Tuah (sumber datangnya cerita Hang Tuah) itu sendiri tidak di baca, di kaji, dan di analisa in toto (in total).

Hikayat Hang Tuah merupakan kisah Hang Tuah itu sendiri. Center figure bagi hikayat ini adalah Hang Tuah, bukan Sultan Mansur Syah, bukan Mamak Bendahara, mahupun Kisna Rayan (seorang Raja di Selatan India). Memanglah hikayat ini tidak boleh di samakan reliabilitinya dengan sumber sejarah. Ianya tidak boleh di baca sebagai sumber sejarah per se (semata2). Tetapi ianya masih boleh digunakan untuk memahami batin seseorang individu, falsafah yang di bawa dan mungkin sedikit fakta yang dapat menyokong sejarah. Banyak versi yang telah di hasilkan semenjak zaman klasik Melayu lagi, dan yang sampai kepada kita dan antara versi yang paling complete telah di hasilkan pada akhir abad ke 17 hingga 18. Beratus2 tahun selepas Melaka di tawan Portugis.
Hang Tuah yang merupakan seorang pahlawan yang taat dan setia kepada sultannya, kisah penderhakaan Jebat dan sebagainya memang terdapat di bahagian pertama Hikayat Hang Tuah. Hikayat di bahagian kedua pula menceritakan kisah Hang Tuah yang sudah melepaskan/ menyorokkan identiti silamnya sebagai seorang pahlawan dari Melaka dan bertukar kepada seorang utusan Melaka ke luar negara. Dan di kebanyakkan catatan yang terdapat di dalam Hikayat Hang Tuah mengenai aktiviti yang dilakukan Tuah di luar negara, Tuah tidak lagi semata2 membahasakan dirinya sebagai orang Melaka. Dia lebih terbuka, menerima budaya dan cara hidup masyarakat lain seperti masyarakat selatan India dan China. Dengan lain perkataan, Hang Tuah di bahagian dua Hikayat merupakan seorang yang bebas, ‘universal man’, global with ‘ummatic spirit’.
Kebersamaan yang banyak dari segi budaya, cara hidup dan mungkin bahasa membawa kepada utusan persahabatan Sultan Mansur Syah kepada raja selatan India, Kisna Rayan di Bijaya Nagaram. Hang Tuah yang fasih berbahasa dan faham budaya keling (waktu ini 'keling' bukanlah sesuatu yang di kira negative connotation) adalah calon yang terbaik di pilih sebagai utusan. Pekerti mulia, hormat bangsa lain antara faktor Tuah di gemari masyarakat selatan India. Kemudian Tuah berkhidmat pula di bawah Kisna Rayan sebagai utusan raja ini ke China. Tuah juga di terima baik oleh masyarakat China (Maharaja China kagum dengan kelicikan Hang Tuah yang bijak mencuri pandang wajah maharaja ketika mendongak menunjukkan bagaimana masyarakat Melayu memakan sayur kangkung). Berterusan pengembaraannya ke Ayuthaya (Hang Tuah menumpaskan tujuh penyangak samurai yang membuat kacau di sini), juga ke Rom (Turki/Istanbul). Semua pengembaraan ini sebenarnya mengajar Tuah akan erti kuasa, dan juga mengajar dirinya mengenal dirinya sendiri. Di penghujung kisah kehidupannya, Tuah dikhabarkan meninggal/menghilangkan diri dalam keadaan yang penuh mistik. Apa pun, ketika itu dia sudah kenal benar pada Tuhannya (Allah SWT).
Hikayat Hang Tuah mula menjadi ‘serabut’ apabila masuknya zaman colonial. Campurtangan Western Orientalist scholars yang mengedit sesuka hati, membuang inti pati, falsafah2 yang terkandung di dalam Hikayat Hang Tuah mengakibatkan Hikayat Hang Tuah lebih di kenali sebagai fiksyen di mata dunia, berbeza dengan sesetengah cerita klasik dari bahagian dunia yang lain seperti Parsi yang sekurang2nya darjat cerita2 klasik ini lebih tinggi daripada sekadar fiksyen. Masuknya zaman post-colonial, sehingga ke abad 20 pula, Hikayat Hang Tuah di caca marbakan lagi oleh golongan2 bangsawan yang sebangsa dengan Hang Tuah demi kepentingan peribadi mereka. Maka hikayat ini sudah menjadi instrumen politik, berpaksikan hegemoni untuk sesuatu kaum, juga mula menjadi alat untuk membentuk semangat patriotisma dan sebagainya.
PLUS: Untuk mempunyai national hero, bukanlah satu kesalahan. Untuk mempunyai role model, bukan juga satu jenayah. Untuk membentuk patriotisma, juga bukanlah merupakan satu isu. Isu artikel ini ialah pentingnya mendapatkan kesimpulan yang betul dan adil terhadap Hikayat Hang Tuah. Juga untuk mendapatkan keadilan buat Hang Tuah yang sepatutnya di nilai ‘as a whole’. Sebagai contoh, sesetengah golongan atheist (yang tidak mempercayai Tuhan) yang ternama di dalam sejarah akhirnya mengakui kewujudan Tuhan di akhir kehidupannya, rasa2nya adakah golongan ini mahu di kenali sebagai atheist di sepanjang sejarah?
SOURCE: zulkifli’s archive, May 17 2010.
Reference: What Your Teacher Didn't Tell You, by Farish A. Noor.

Tuesday, July 6, 2010

MUSLIMS CONFRONTATION WITH THE MONGOL HORDES: WHERE IT BEGINS?

Pada awal abad ke 11, bertempat di Asia Tengah, muncul sebuah kerajaan Islam yang di kenali sebagai Khwarazm (1077-1231 AD) yang mana sejarah kemunculannya boleh di jejak daripada susur-galur pemerintahan kerajaan Islam Seljuq yang telah lama wujud sebelum tertubuhnya dinasti ini. Khwarazm asalnya adalah merupakan sebuah kedaulatan yang ditubuhkan oleh seorang gabenor Seljuq bernama Nushtigin, yang juga berperanan sebagai jeneral perang bagi angkatan bersenjata kerajaan Seljuq. Di atas kecemerlangan dan ketaatan yang telah di berikan kepada Sultan Seljuq pada ketika itu, tanah Khwarazm telah dianugerahkan kepada Nushtigin. Khwarazm kini mula berada di bawah pemerintahan bebas Nushtigin bermula pada tahun 1077 AD (namun begitu Khwarazm masih perlu memberikan ketaatannya tanpa berbelah bagi terhadap Sultan Seljuq). Selain itu, Sultan Seljuq juga telah menganugerahkan gelaran ‘Khwarazm Shah’ kepada setiap pemerintah kerajaan Khwarazm, dan gelaran yang bersifat warisan ini akan di perturunkan kepada keturunan pemerintah yang seterusnya.

Khwarazm berkembang sejajar dengan kejayaan2 misi penakhlukkan yang dilakukan oleh para pemimpin mereka sehingga keluasan jajahannya hampir menyamai status sebuah empayar. Namun begitu, sejarah kegemilangan Khwarazm tidaklah mudah untuk mereka kecapi. Pertembungan dengan kerajaan Seljuq yang di ketuai oleh pemimpin2 pemberontakan Khwarazm seperti Sultan Astyz, pertembungan dengan Khalifah Abbasid di Baghdad, pertembungan dengan Ghurids, kekacauan Qara Khitai (infidel) yang akhirnya memainkan peranan yang besar di dalam kerajaan Khwarazm dan pelbagai lagi peristiwa yang berlaku sebelum Khwarazm berjaya menjadi sebuah jajahan yang besar. Khwarazm kini mula menjadi kerajaan yang di geruni apabila menamatkan sejarah pemerintahan kerajaan Islam Seljuq, mengalahkan Ghurids dan berkerjasama dengan puak2 Qara Khitai untuk menubuhkan ‘empayar’ Khwarazm. Dalam masa yang sama, Khwarazm juga mula di musuhi oleh Khalifah Abbasid di Baghdad apabila Khwarazm yang di sokong Qara Khitai tidak putus2 memaksa khalifah di Baghdad memberikan gelaran Sultan kepada pemerintah Khwarazm pada ketika itu iaitu Alauddin Muhammad/ Sultan Muhammad II. Apabila tuntutannya tidak di layan, Sultan Muhammad II mula bertindak nekad menyerang khalifah di Baghdad, akan tetapi serangannya ini mudah di patahkan oleh para tentera Abbasid. Dengan penuh rasa kehinaan, Sultan Muhammad II telah melarikan diri dan bersembunyi di sebuah pulau yang terletak di Laut Kaspian; dia menghembuskan nafasnya yang terakhir di pulau ini pada tahun 1220 AD.

Di malukan oleh Khalifah di Baghdad bukanlah satu2nya penghinaan yang di alami oleh Sultan Muhammad II. Selain daripada bertelagah dengan khalifah di Baghdad, Sultan Muhammad II juga terpaksa berhadapan dengan ketumbukkan musuh yang di kenali dengan kebuasannya menjarah jajahan2 takhluknya. Musuh yang muncul dari pergunungan steppe di timur Khwarazm ini cukup pantas bergerak, pantas menghancurkan, dan begitu berdisiplin walaupun bergerak dengan gerombolan yang besar. Gerombolan ini di ketuai oleh pemimpin pertama dan agung bagi masyarakat Mongol, dan pemimpin ini di berikan gelaran Genghis Khan.

Sultan Muhammad II menaiki takhta kerajaan Khwarazm pada sekitar tahun 1200 AD. Dalam masa yang sama pada awal abad ke 13, Genghis Khan juga telah mula menjadi pemerintah tunggal bagi seluruh tanah besar Mongolia setelah dia berjaya menyatukan puak-puak Mongol yang bertelagah sesama sendiri. Para sejarawan Mongol samada dari dunia Islam mahupun barat telah mencatatkan hubungan yang berlaku di antara kerajaan Khwarazm dan Genghis Khan. Sejarawan seperti ‘Ata al-Malik al Juwayni, al-Saifi, Ibnu Athir, John Andrew Boyle, David Morgan, Leo de Hartog, Paul Ratchnevsky dan lain-lainnya juga telah merekodkan kegiatan-kegiatan yang berlaku di antara dua buah kuasa besar di Asia Tengah ini, sama ada catatan mereka dalam bentuk naratif ataupun melalui susunan fakta yang di kumpul daripada sumber2 yang tertentu. Bagi ‘Ata al-Malik al-Juwayni dan juga Ibnu Athir sebagai contoh, telah mencatatkan pengalaman mereka sendiri berhadapan dengan kemaraan tentera Mongol ke atas dunia Islam kerana mereka hidup pada zaman yang sama. Dan dengan ini bolehlah di anggap bahawa sejarah yang di tulis oleh mereka adalah yang hampir kepada tulen dan tepat jika dibandingkan dengan apa yang di sampaikan oleh sejarawan yang lainnya.

Pada dasarnya, hubungan di antara dua kuasa besar di Asia Tengah ini tidaklah berlaku secara langsung. Kedua-duanya yang sudah pun mengetahui dan mengagumi kehebatan masing2 mengambil tindakkan menghormati antara satu sama lain sehingga tidak mungkin kedua2 pihak ini akan sengaja mencetuskan pertelingkahan. Bermula dengan perkhabaran mengatakan bahawa Genghis Khan telah berjaya menakhluki empayar Chin (yang berpusat di Beijing hari ini) yang telah sampai ke pengetahuan Sultan Muhammad ke II, dan atas dasar ingin tahu yang begitu mendalam, beliau telah mengutuskan utusannya untuk bertemu dengan Genghis Khan. Genghis Khan telah menyambut baik kehadiran para utusan Sultan Muhammad II ini di khemah tenteranya di China. Di sini, melalui utusan yang di hantar oleh Sultan Muhammad ke II, Genghis Khan mengakui kedaulatan Sultan Khwarazm yang berkuasa di sebelah barat dan menegaskan agar Sultan Muhammad II juga mengakui akan kekuasaan dirinya di sebelah timur. Genghis Khan juga berhasrat mengadakan hubungan perdagangan di antara dua buah kuasa ini, yang mana para pedagang dari kedua-dua kawasan bebas untuk mengadakan aktiviti2 perdagangan tanpa dikenakan sebarang sekatan dan juga ancaman. Akan tetapi, Sultan Muhammad ke II tidak menyambut baik tawaran yang di kemukakan oleh Genghis Khan ini serta menunjukkan sikap permusuhan di atas pelawaan penguasa Mongol ini. Sesetengah pendapat mengatakan bahawa Sultan Muhammad II telah lama merancang untuk menakhluk empayar Chin seawal tahun 1205 AD lagi. Maka terdapat kemungkinan di sebabkan tindakkan Genghis Khan yang telah mendahului rancangannya itu telah menyebabkan rasa iri hati dan marah, lantas menimbulkan perasaan kurang senang Sultan Muhammad II ke atas Genghis Khan.

Mengikut catatan Paul Ratchnevsky di dalam bukunya Genghis Khan His Life and Legacy, ketua angkatan perang Mongol iaitu Jochi (juga merupakan anak kepada Genghis Khan) juga telah menawarkan pelbagai insentif bagi mengukuhkan hubungan antara kedua2 belah pihak. Antara tawarannya ialah jaminan yang bala tentera Sultan tidak akan menerima sebarang ancaman dari Mongol, juga termasuk tawaran untuk berkongsi harta rampasan perang yang di perolehi ketika misi-misi penakhlukan Mongol sebelum ini. Di pihak Sultan Muhammad ke II pula, beliau tetap berkeras dan berpendirian tidak akan melayan segala tuntutan perdamaian yang di tawarkan oleh Genghis Khan serta bersedia berhadapan dengan kekuatan ancaman tentera Mongol yang dianggapnya sebagai kafir dan sesat.

Sebenarnya, hubungan perdagangan antara puak2 dan kerajaan2 di Asia Tengah adalah di anggap penting pada ketika ini. Bagi pihak Mongol khususnya, urusannya dengan perdagang2 Islam merupakan satu kemestian dan satu keperluan bagi keseluruhan masyarakat Mongol. Antara salah satu sebabnya ialah kebanyakkan bijirin-bijirin yang di perlukan oleh masyarakat Mongol berada di luar tanah Mongolia, dan pedagang2 inilah yang berperanan mendapatkan bekalan2 tersebut bagi kegunaan Mongol. Selain daripada itu, para pedagang Islam juga mempunyai pelbagai kelebihan serta peranan kepada Mongol. Di antara para pedagang ini, ada sesetengahnya yang terlibat di dalam misi2 perisikkan bagi pihak Mongol. Maklumat berkaitan dengan kekuatan dan kelemahan sesebuah kerajaan, kekuatan ketenteraan dan persenjataan, maklumat demografi sesebuah tempat serta informasi berkenaan kesetiaan masyarakat awam terhadap pemerintah tempatan merupakan antara maklumat2 penting yang cukup berharga untuk di ketahui mereka sebelum memulakan sebarang misi penakhlukan. Besar kemungkinan, keadaan inilah yang menyebabkan Sultan Muhammad II enggan mengadakan sebarang kerjasama dengan pihak Mongol yang memang terkenal dengan kebuasan mereka menghancurkan semahu2nya kerajaan2 yang wujud pada waktu itu. Selain daripada itu, Sultan Muhammad II juga berpendapat bahawa hubungan perdagangan dengan pihak Mongol tidak akan membawa keuntungan yang besar dari segi ekonomi bagi pihak kerajaan Khwarazm. Namun begitu, di sebalik keengganan Sultan Muhammad II di dalam menuruti kemahuan Genghis Khan, para pedagang tetap juga meneruskan aktiviti2 perdagangan mereka dengan Mongol, ini kerana mereka berpendapat perdagangan yang dijalankan ini mendapat keuntungan yang cukup besar. Tambahan lagi, Genghis Khan juga memberi jaminan akan memastikan agama Islam dan nyawa pedagang2 Islam akan tetap di hormati. Maka jaminan yang menarik minat pedagang2 Islam ini telah menjadikan kegiatan perdagangan antara mereka terus wujud. Jika di pandang dari satu aspek yang lain, situasi ini sebenarnya benar2 merugikan Sultan Muhammad II. Ini kerana maklumat2 kerajaan Islam Khwarazm kini dengan mudahnya boleh berada di tangan Genghis Khan pada bila2 masa.

Kemuncak konflik di antara Sultan Muhammad II dengan Genghis Khan berlaku pada tahun 1218 AD apabila sekumpulan rombongan pedagang dari jajahan Mongolia seramai 450 orang telah di tahan oleh Inal Khan, gabenor Bandar Otrar (salah sebuah kawasan jajahan Khwarazm) daripada memasuki bandar tersebut. Atas tuduhan bahawa rombongan ini merupakan perisik bagi pihak Mongol, mereka telah di bunuh dan barang2 dagangan mereka telah dirampas. Mengikut pendapat sejarawan Islam ‘Ata al-Malik al-Juwayni di dalam catatannya, Inal Khan telah tersinggung dengan perbuatan yang telah dilakukan oleh salah seorang pedagang India dari rombongan tersebut, sehingga berlakunya pembunuhan beramai2 yang telah dilaksanakan tanpa mendapat persetujuan secara lisan daripada Sultan Khwarazm. Mengikut undang2 antarabangsa yang di amalkan ketika itu, perbuatan Inal Khan ini merupakan satu kesalahan yang amat serius di mana tindakan yang diambilnya tanpa mengikut arahan dan persetujuan Sultan Muhammad II merupakan pencabulan bagi undang2 antarabangsa. Dalam insiden ini, salah seorang daripada ahli rombongan pedagang ini telah berjaya meloloskan diri dan melaporkan kejadian yang berlaku ini kepada Genghis Khan. Sebagai tindak balas bagi kekejaman yang dilakukan oleh gabenor Otrar ini, Genghis Khan telah menghantar tiga orang utusannya menghadap Sultan Muhammad II dengan tuntutannya supaya Inal Khan diserahkan kepadanya ataupun di hukum dengan hukuman yang sewajarnya. Akan tetapi, kisah sebaliknya telah berlaku. Salah seorang daripada utusan Genghis Khan ini telah di bunuh, dan dua orang yang lainnya telah di hina dengan janggut mereka di cukur. Salah seorang daripada utusan ini merupakan seorang yang di muliakan dan di anggap suci oleh masyarakat Mongol (sacrosanct), tindakkan menyentuhnya apalagi mengancam nyawanya merupakan sesuatu yang tidak boleh dimaafkan oleh Genghis Khan. Bagi penguasa Mongol ini, tiada lagi sebarang rundingan dan perutusan yang perlu di hantar untuk menjernihkan keadaan, melainkan peperangan sahaja merupakan jalan tunggal bagi menyelesaikan masalah ini.

Seperti yang dicatatkan secara naratif oleh ‘Ata al-Malik al-Juwayni di dalam bukunya yang telah di alih bahasa ke dalam bahasa Inggeris Genghis Khan the History of the World Conqueror, Genghis Khan telah menerima berita ini dengan penuh kemarahan. Bertindak mengasingkan dirinya di puncak gunung selama tiga hari, Genghis Khan memohon kekuatan dari Tuhannya bagi memerangi Sultan Muhammad II, serta bersiap sedia menyiapkan angkatan tenteranya. Di khabarkan persiapan tenteranya telah mengambil masa selama satu tahun. Genghis Khan juga mula merencanakan strategi2 peperangan yang berkesan, mengumpul maklumat2 perisikkan juga mengupah pakar2 dari China bagi penyediaan alatan peperangan yang tercanggih di zamannya seperti trebuchet, catapult dan ballistik. Malahan dia juga telah cuba untuk mengucar-kacirkan urusan dalaman kerajaan Khwarazm dengan memberi rasuah kepada ibu Sultan Muhammad II, Terkhen Khatun serta golongan pembesar2 Sultan Muhammad II. Kepercayaan rakyat Khwarazm juga di lunturkan sedikit demi sedikit sehingga Genghis Khan cukup pasti bahawa Sultan Muhammad II tidak akan mampu memanggil seruan jihad bagi mempertahankan kedaulatannya. Perlu dinyatakan di sini, permusuhan yang telah lama bermula daripada pemerintah terdahulu kerajaan Khwarazm, Tekish dengan Khalifah di Baghdad telah menyebabkan hubungan di antara kerajaan Khwarazm dan Baghdad terus rengang, dan sebarang jangkaan pertolongan daripada Khalifah hampir pasti tidak akan berlaku. Tekish sebelum ini, yang membantu Khalifah di Baghdad untuk menjatuhkan kerajaan Islam Seljuq yang cukup berpengaruh dalam menentukan polisi Baghdad telah mengkhianati arahan Khalifah. Tekish bertindak menduduki kawasan bekas jajahan takhluk Seljuq dan meminta pengiktirafan daripada Baghdad, dan hal ini tidak dipersetujui oleh Khalifah. Selain daripada sebab itu, bala tentera Sultan Muhammad II yang majoritinya terdiri daripada puak-puak Qara Khitai yang bukan beragama Islam, telah menimbulkan kekacauan dan rasa tidak senang hati rakyat kerajaan Khwarazm sendiri. Faktor2 ini menyebabkan Sultan Muhammad II terdedah kepada bahaya besar yang bakal menanti di hadapannya. Maka serangan Mongol yang di ketuai sendiri oleh Genghis Khan bersama2 dengan empat orang anak-anaknya telah meranapkan hampir semua jajahan Khwarazm, bermula dengan serangan ke atas Otrar yang menyaksikan pembunuhan kejam ke atas gabenornya, Inal Khan.

Penakhlukkan tentera Mongol ke atas dunia Islam tidak berakhir di Khwarazm sahaja. Mongol mula memburu saki baki keturunan Sultan Muhammad II, bermula dengan puteranya Jalaluddin Mangkubarni. Kemaraan Mongol yang di ketuai turun temurun oleh keturunan Genghis Khan dan para jeneral perangnya yang berkaliber terus menjarah dunia Islam, sehingga menuju ke istana Khalifah Abbasiyah di Baghdad. Pada tahun 1258 AD, berlakulah peristiwa menyayat hati yang di kekal ingati oleh umat Islam. Khalifah Islam Abbasiayah telah wafat dengan penuh kehinaan apabila di pijak oleh kuda2 tentera Mongol yang ketika itu di bawah pimpinan Hulagu Khan.
PLUS: Sesetengah sejarawan berpendapat bahawa Khalifah berpakat dengan Mongol supaya tentera Mongol menyerang Khwarazm Shah. Open for all to be a 'detective', and find an answer for this.

Source: zulkifli ishak, somewhere between 2007-2008.
References: Paul Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan His Life and Legacy, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991. David Morgan, The Mongols, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1999. And etc.

VIII. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (IBNU BATTUTAH)

IBN BATTUTAH
TANGIER
HAJJ 1326 AD / 726 AH


Ibn Battutah, or Shams Al-Din Abu ‘Abdallah Ibn Battutah, is the most famous Muslim traveller of the 14th century or of any century. He was born to a family of lawyers in 1304 AD/ 724 AH. His travels covered modern Tangier in the west to Beijing in the east, Granada and Ukraine in Europe, Timbuktu in Africa, Aswan on the Nile and to Kilwa on the coast of Tanzania. His travels were later written down by Ibn Juzayy. Based on his Travels, Makkah Al-Mukarramah and Madinah Al-Munawwarah were Ibn Battutah’s destination. He wanted to accomplish his Hajj pilgrimage and his determination to reach there is shown in the early phase of his travel accounts:

“I left Tangier, my birthplace, on Thursday, 2nd Rajab, 725 (14th June 1325), being at that time twenty-two [lunar] year of age, with the intention of making the Pilgrimage to the Holy House (at Mecca) and the Tomb of the Prophet (at Madina). I set out alone, finding no companion to cheer the way with friendly intercourse, and no party of travelers with whom to associate myself. Swayed by an overmastering impulse within me, and a long-cherished desire to visit those glorious sanctuaries, I resolved to quit all my friends and tear myself away from my home”.

His 20-year journey to the East covered almost the entire known world and finally brought him back to his home. He died in Morocco between 1368 AD/ 769 AH and 1377 AD/ 779 AH.
IBNU BATTUTAH
TANGIER
IBADAH HAJI 1326 M / 726 H

Ibnu Battutah, atau nama sebenarnya Shams Al-Din Abu ‘Abdallah Ibn Battutah merupakan seorang pengembara Muslim yang termasyur bukan sahaja pada kurun ke empat belas, malahan di sepanjang zaman. Beliau telah dilahirkan pada 1304 M/ 724 H di dalam keluarga peguam. Pengembaraan Ibnu Battuta meliputi kawasan seperti Tangier moden yang terletak di barat sehingga ke Beijing yang terletak di timur, Granada dan Ukraine di Eropah, Timbuktu di Afrika, Aswan di Sungai Nil hingga ke Kilwa yang terletak di pinggir pantai Tanzania. Pengembaraan Ibnu Battutah kemudiannya telah dicatatkan oleh Ibnu Juzayy. Menurut buku Penjelajahannya, Makkah Al-Mukarramah dan Madinah Al-Munawwarah merupakan destinasi utama Ibnu Battutah. Beliau mahu menyempurnakan ibadah hajinya dan keazaman Ibnu Battutah untuk sampai ke sana telah dinyatakannya di fasa awal catatan pengembaraannya:

“Aku meninggalkan kampung halamanku, Tangier, pada hari Khamis, 2 Rejab, 725 H (14 Jun 1325 M), di mana ketika itu aku berusia dua puluh dua tahun, dengan niat mahu menunaikan ibadah haji di Tanah Suci (Makkah) dan menziarahi Makam Nabi Muhammad (di Madinah). Aku berangkat sendirian, tiada teman untuk berkongsi suka duka sepanjang perjalanan, juga tanpa kumpulan pengembara sebagai tempat bergantung. Aku kalah kepada desakan suara hati dan keinginan yang telah lama kupendamkan untuk menjejakkan kaki ke tempat suci itu dan aku bulatkan tekad untuk meninggalkan semua sahabat dan sendirian berjauhan dari kampung halamanku. Oleh kerana ibu bapaku masih hidup, terasa amat pedih untuk berjauhan dari mereka berdua, dan ini menyebabkan jiwa kami sarat menanggung kesedihan akibat dari perpisahan ini.”

Pengembaraan beliau selama 20 tahun ke Timur hampir meliputi seluruh kawasan dunia yang diketahui (pada waktu itu) dan akhirnya membawa beliau kembali ke tempat lahirnya. Beliau telah meninggal dunia di Morokko, Afrika Utara di antara tahun 1368 M/ 769 H dan 1377 M/ 779 H.
SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.


VII. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (MUHAMMAD ASAD/LEOPOLD WEISS)

MUHAMMAD ASAD
GALICIA, SPAIN
HAJJ 1927 AD / 1345 AH

Muhammad Asad was born on 2 July 1900/ 4 Rabi’ al Awal 1318 in Eastern Galicia. Known as Leopold Weiss before his conversion to Islam, he had a distinguished career as a journalist in Europe. In 1926 AD/ 1344 AH, he decided to return to Germany. In the same year, he married a German painter and converted to Islam. After Elsa’s conversion a few weeks later, both headed to Mecca in order to perform the Hajj. His experiences as a foreign correspondent for the Frankfurter Zeitung included areas such as Iran, Egypt, Kabul, Damascus and Isfahan. Despite this, the journey to Mecca was something altogether different and was pictured by Muhammad Asad in his accounts entitled The Road to Mecca.

On their way to Masjid Al-Haram, he mentioned in his accounts the panorama of Mecca with its buzzing streets of bazaars and people.

“And, again, there were people of all races and garbs and expressions. A shouting, thronging commotion in all directions, so that you felt you were in the midst of breaking waves of which you could grasp some details but never an integrated picture. Everything floated amid a buzz of innumerable languages, hot gestures and excitement – until we found ourselves, suddenly, before one of the gates of the Haram, the Holy Mosque".

The remainder of Muhammad Asad’s life was no less interesting. He worked hand in hand with the philosopher Muhammad Iqbal to lay the groundwork of Pakistani nation and wrote numerous works on Islam. He died in 1992 AD/ 1412 H and is buried in a Muslim cemetery in Granada, Spain.

MUHAMMAD ASAD
GALICIA, SEPANYOL
IBADAH HAJI 1927 M / 1345 H

Muhammad Asad telah di lahirkan pada 2 Julai 1900 M / 4 Rabi’ al Awal 1318 H di kawasan timur Galicia. Beliau dikenali dengan nama Leopold Weiss sebelum memeluk Islam dan mempunyai kerjaya yang hebat sepanjang hidupnya. Pada tahun 1926 M/ 1344 H, setelah menempa namanya sebagai seorang wartawan yang terkenal di Eropah, beliau telah membuat keputusan untuk pulang ke Jerman. Dalam tahun yang sama, beliau telah berkahwin dengan seorang pelukis Jerman dan memeluk agama Islam. Setelah isterinya, Elsa, juga memeluk Islam beberapa minggu selepas Muhammad Asad, mereka telah memutuskan untuk menuju ke Makkah bagi menunaikan ibadah haji. Pengalamannya sebagai wartawan luar negeri bagi akhbar Frankfurter Zeitung membawa beliau ke Iran, Kabul, Damsyik dan Isfahan. Walaupun begitu, perjalanan ke Makkah adalah pengalaman yang baru baginya dan telah digambarkan oleh Muhammad Asad di dalam catatannya yang bertajuk Jalan ke Makkah.

Di dalam perjalanan mereka menuju ke masjid, beliau telah mencatatkan tentang suasana Makkah dengan jalan pasar yang hingar-bingar dan juga tentang kepelbagaian orang dan bangsa yang bertebaran di sekitar kota semasa musim Haji.

“Sekali lagi, manusia daripada pelbagai bangsa, pakaian dan pertuturan berkumpul. Jeritan, keriuhan orang ramai dari segenap penjuru, menyebabkan kamu berasa seolah-olah berada di tengah gelombang yang terputus-putus di mana kamu hanya boleh menangkap beberapa perkataan sahaja tetapi tidak keseluruhan cerita. Semuanya dialunkan dalam keriuhan berbagai-bagai bahasa, pergerakan yang pantas, dan keterujaan - tiba-tiba kami tersedar kami telah berada di hadapan salah satu pintu gerbang Masjid al Haram.”

Sisa kehidupan Muhammad Asad sebagai seorang Islam selepas itu tidak kurang menariknya. Muhammad Asad juga mempunyai pengalaman berkerjasama dengan seorang ahli falsafah Pakistan, Muhammad Iqbal di dalam usaha membentuk asas-asas negara Pakistan dan beliau telah menulis banyak hasil penulisan yang berkaitan dengan Islam. Muhammad Asad telah meninggal dunia pada 1992 M/ 1412 H dan telah di kebumikan di sebuah tanah perkuburan Islam yang terletak di Granada, Sepanyol.
SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.

Tuesday, June 29, 2010

CANNIBALISM IN THE MALAY WORLD: MYTH OR FACT?

“It is perfectly possible to argue that some distinctive objects are made by the mind, and that these objects, while appearing to exist objectively, have only fictional reality. A group of people living on a few acres of land will set up boundaries between their land and its immediate surroundings and the territory beyond, which they call 'the land of barbarians.' In other words, this universal practice of designating in one’s mind a familiar space which is 'ours' and an unfamiliar space beyond 'ours' which is 'theirs' is a way of making geographical distinctions that can be entirely arbitrary. I use the word 'arbitrary' here because imaginative geography of the 'our land-barbarian land' variety does not require that the barbarians acknowledge the distinction. It is enough for 'us' to set up these boundaries in our own minds; 'they' become 'they' accordingly, and both their territory and their mentality are designated as different from 'ours'.”
[Edward Said, Orientalism, New York: Vintage Books, 1979, p.54.]
History of European encounter with the community of peoples that consumed their equals (human flesh) was popular to the medieval Europeans in view of the fact that this phenomenon had been known since the ancient times. Herodotus, famous Greek historian had described a group of people who consuming the deceased bodies that belonged to their own communities known as the Androphagoi or Androphopagoi and this group of people lived in the northern parts of Scythian, which was ‘far away’ from Greece (Iris Gareis, “Cannibals, Bons Sauvages, and tasty white men: Models of alterity in the encounter of South American Tupi and Europeans,” The Medieval History Journal, 5, 2, (2002), pp. 251-252.). In the modern context, the act of consuming human flesh is commonly known as cannibalism and this practice is usually pictured “while dismembering or cutting up human bodies and busy with the roasting or cooking of their victims” (Iris Gareis, p.252).

The origin of the word cannibal which is associated with the practice of eating human flesh could be traced back to 1492 C.E., during the historical voyage of Christopher Columbus who discovered America. Based on the information that was given by his interpreter who gathered the story from the indigenous group of Arawak of Cuba, the Arawak is defining their rivals, the Carib, as having only one eye with heads like dogs and they ate human flesh. At this very early stage, Christopher Columbus had second hand information concerning some of the inhabitants on the Caribbean Island (Frank Lestringant, Canibals: The discovery and representation of the Canibal from Columbus to Jules Verne, trans. by Rosemary Morris, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997, p. 15).

The word cannibal then is believed to have come from the misinterpretation of cariba, the word which portrays the barbarity of the Carib, which was given by their neighboring enemy, the Arawak. For the Carib themselves, cariba means ‘bold’ and ‘courage’. Through time, the Arawak had transformed this word to caniba where the Spanish recognized it as cannibal (Iris Gareis, p. 250). The latter word by the Spanish reflects the meaning of cannibalism which was familiar with the modern sense of its usage.

Does the practice of cannibalism exist in the Malay World? Accounts by European travelers to this archipelago kept mentioning the Europeans encounter with peoples from this region who consume the flesh of their equals. This group of peoples from the Malay World was depicted as beast, savages and idolaters; to some extent this group even was described as having heads like dogs!. Is it this notion is a myth or fact?

As stated in Itinerario of Varthema in describing the cannibalistic tradition which occurred in Java during the first quarter of the 16th century, was as follows:

“The people in this island who eat flesh, when their fathers become so old that they can no longer do any work, their children or relations set them up in the market-place for sale, and those who purchase them kill them and eat them cooked. And if any young man should be attacked by any great sickness, and that it should appear to the skillful that he might die of it, the father or the brother of the sickman kills him, and they do not wait for him to die. And when they have killed him they sell him to others to be eaten. We, being astonished at such a thing, some merchants of the country said to us: “O your poor Persians, why do you have such charming flesh to be eaten by the worms?” My companion hearing this immediately exclaimed: “Quick, quick, let us go to our ship, for these people shall never more come near me on land.”[Ludovico di Varthema, The travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India and Ethopia, A.D. 1503-1508, translated by J.W. Jones & edited by G.P. Badger. In Fuat Sezgin (ed.), In The Islamic World in foreign travel accounts, vol II. Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University Frankfurt am Main, 1994. (Reprint of the Edition London, 1853), 255-257.]
Then, Sir John Mandeville in his Travels which was published between 1357 and 1371, in elaborating the custom that belonged to the man-eaters in Andaman Island, which was portrayed as:

“They live here a people of evil customs, for fathers eat their sons and sons their fathers, husbands their wives and wives their husbands. For if it chance that a man’s father is sick, the son goes to the priest of their religion and ask him to inquire of their god-who is an idol-whether his father will live or die of that sickness. And the devil within that idol may answer that he will not die at that time, and indicates some medicines to heal him with; then the son returns to his father and does as instructed until he is well again. But it says he will die, the priest and the son and the wife of the sick man come to him and throw a cloth over his mouth and stop him breathing, and kill him. When he is dead they take his body and cut it in little pieces, and summon all his friends, and all the musicians they can get, and make a solemn feast and eat the dead man’s body. And when they have eaten all the flesh, they collect all the bones together and bury them according to their custom with great solemnity and loud singing. And thus each friend does to another; and if so happen that a man who is a relation of the dead man keeps away from the feast and comes not to the funeral, all the family will accuse him of a serious fault, and he will never after be counted among their friends. They say that they eat the flesh of their friend so that worms should not eat him in earth, and to release him from the great pain that his soul would suffer if worms gnawed him in the earth. They also say, when they find his flesh lean through long illness, that it would be a great sin to allow him to live longer or suffer pain without a cause. If they find his flesh fat, they say they have done well to have killed him so quickly and sent him to Paradise, not allowing him to be tormented too long in is world.” [John Mandeville, The travels of Sir John Mandeville, translated by C.W.R.D. Moseley, (London: Penguin Classics, 1983), 136-137.]
And finally, account by the famous Venetian merchant and traveler, Marco Polo, in picturing the custom of consuming human flesh in the kingdom of Dagroian, which he located in Sumatra during the 13th century as stated:

“When one of them is ill they send for their sorcerers, and put the question to them, whether the sick man shall recover of his sickness or no. If they say that he will recover, then they let him alone till he gets better. But if the sorcerers foretell that the sick man is to die, the friends send for certain judges of theirs to put to death him who has thus been condemned by the sorcerers to die. These man come, and lay so many clothes upon the sick man’s mouth that they suffocate him. And when he is dead they have him cooked, and gather together all the dead man’s kin, and eat him. And I assure you they do suck the very bones till not a particle of narrow remains in them; for they say that if any nourishment remained in the bones this would breed worms, and then the worms would die for want of food, and the death of those worms would be laid to the change of the deceased man’s soul. And so they eat him up stump and rump. And when they have thus eaten him they collect his bones and put them in fire chests, and carry them away, and place them in caverns among the mountains where no beast nor other creature can get at them. And you must know also that if they take prisoners a man of another country, and he cannot pay a ransom in coin, they kill him and eat him straight away. It is a very evil custom and a parlous.” [Marco Polo, The book of Ser Marco Polo,vol. II, Henry Yule & Henry Cordier (ed. and trans.), (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1993), 294].
Now come to the arguments to see whether this notion is simply as myth or fact. First of all, Varthema, Sir John Mandeville, Marco Polo or other travelers did not generalize all inhabitants of the Malay World lived in gore and cannibalistic atmosphere, but it confined to certain areas in the region. As Marco Polo as a case study, peoples who live in remote areas and islands as Sumatra, Java, Nicobar and Andaman were consider as beast and idolaters, and some of them practiced cannibalism. Marco Polo illustrates beast and idolaters in his accounts did exist in different places in Sumatra, in particular, the hill-people of Ferlec or Perlak who lived like beasts where they ate human flesh (Marco Polo, The book of Ser Marco Polo, vol. II, Henry Yule & Henry Cordier (ed. and trans.), New Delhi: Munshiram manoharlal, 1993, p. 284). The people of Basma then were just like beast without laws and religion (Marco Polo, p. 285), while the people of Fansur and Lambri were both considered as idolaters (Marco Polo, p. 299). Syed Manzurul Islam in his book The Ethics of Travel from Marco Polo to Kafka attested that the term of ‘beast’ or ‘idolaters’ in medieval European travel narratives were generally as metaphors to portray the savagery of the people. This term also appears as a reflection of majority of medieval European understanding on the population of the world. During the medieval times, the off-limits of the East/Asia known to them is Taprobane (Greek word, originally from Sanskrit tamraparn means cooper leaf, located in Ceylon or Sri Lanka today). Region beyond and farther than Taprobane was considered as unknown land/ terra incognita. The inhabitants of this terra incognita were totally different and unequal to Europe, whether in the way of life, or even the physical beings. In order to describe the dwellers of terra incognita, there are no choices for them to present this population as normal as human beings, or as normal as European. As result, there exist a people as having heads like dogs/ cynocephali who ate human flesh and series more monstrous beings/ homo monstrum. Terra incognita must have been described as ‘others’!.

Second argument has a relation with the former. Descriptions of strangeness such as European encounter with monstrous races, cynocephali or man-eaters (cannibals) usually could be spotted in new found land. Herodotus described Androphagoi lived ‘far away’ from Greece, that is in northern Scythian. This is probably happened because the northern Scythian is unknown to the people of Greece, or Greece chooses to isolate themselves from the Northern Scythian. This phenomenon indirectly gives a notion that the farther Europeans/ human beings explore their world, the enormous chances they will confront the strangeness. That is the reason why in different epochs of medieval European history of exploration, they will discover a lot and new version of strangeness. Strangeness founded in India, than move to Persia, further to Scandinavia, then to Asia, to South America so on and so forth (nowadays it perhaps evolved to a new level after entire world already discovered, that is Mars).

Finally, as stated in accounts of Varthema in 16th century, Sir John Mandeville in 14th century and Marco Polo in 13th century in describing of cannibalistic rituals in the Malay Archipelago, these accounts have a consistency in structure and story line. You don’t have to be a genius to notice this similarity. What is the explanation for this ‘similarity’? Travelers might continue the tradition of their predecessors in jotted down their descriptions on cannibalism in this region. Travelers might find a ‘short-cut’ by copying and putting a strange tradition to fulfill the thirst of European for the story of new exotic things. And perhaps the farthest these travelers go is a nearest library to their home.

In short, based on these arguments, the story of cannibalism in the Malay World is just might a story and the story that ahistorical one. Malay World in 13th to 16th century is hardly to perceive as an idolaters region, moreover as a region that practice cannibalism. Marco Polo in 13th century had described his encounters with Saracen/ Muslims in Perlak. Islam also was recorded to have been established in Sulu Archipelago, an area located in modern Philippines. Sulu Archipelago which is comprised of islands namely Basilan, Jolo and Tawi-tawi, were believed to receive Islam as early as the 14th century. The establishment of the Muslim Sultanate here started with the inter-marriage between Shariful Islam, an Arab Muslim trader and the daughter of the Jolo king and Shariful Islam later established the Islamic Sulu Sultanate in the 15th century. While in 16th century, Varthema described his meeting with Malacca Sultan who is a Muslim, so as his kingdom. Long story short, is that cannibalism in the Malay World is a myth or fact? I consider the former.

PLUS: Mitos cannibalism adalah fenomena universal. Cerita cannibalism wujud di merata tempat seperti di Kepulauan Melayu, India, Selatan Brazil etc. Mitos ini melahirkan banyak versi filem2 cannibal macam Cannibal Holocaust, Cannibal Ferox etc. Mitos2 ini juga menjadi dasar kepada pemikiran colonial2 barat yang rasa terpanggil untuk memajukan bangsa2 ‘primitif’ di seluruh dunia dengan ‘White’s Man Burden’ sebagai justifikasi mereka. Mitos2 ini berkembang sejajar dengan peredaran masa. Orang2 British mula mencipta mitos bahawa penduduk kepulauan Melayu masih bersikap dengan penuh ‘kelanunan’, dan penduduk kepulauan Melayu juga pemalas. Allahyarhan Syed Hussein Alatas menulis sebuah buku yang bagus bagi mereka yang ingin mengetahui cerita mitos orang2 putih dalam The Myth of Lazy Natives.
SOURCE: zulkifli ishak, before December 2009.

Sunday, June 27, 2010

CLASSICAL MALAY LITERATURE: A SHORT NOTES

“The fact that the Malay-Muslim political treatise Taj-us Salatin existed nearly half a century before Hobbes’ Leviathan would make it difficult for anyone to suggest that the Malays were in need of instruction in matters political, historical or economics”.
[Farish A. Noor, The Other Malaysia: Writing on Malaysia’s Subaltern History, Kuala Lumpur: Silverfish Books, 2005, p. 39]

Arabic script/alphabet/harf was adapted by the Malays as the medium of writings (later known as jawi writings). Five new letters were added in order to make suit with certain Malay words and pronunciations; these five give a sound as ca – nga – pa – ga – nya (i.e.for usage like ca for cawan, means cup). The adaptation of Arabic scripts later enriched the vocabulary of Malay language itself, thus it is not uncommon that Malay language have a similarity in words and meanings that originally from Arabic (i.e. kitab, wakaf, kubur, etc.).
It was believed that the earliest writings produced in the Malay language/jawi writings were in the form of religious books called kitab or risalah. Kitab or risalah have purposes as a religious instruction, and the earliest amongst them related with the basic teachings of Islam as shahadah, pilgrimage to Makkah, arkan al-Iman, etc. By time, advanced writings on various Islamic studies were produced by Muslims scholars on topics of Islamic laws, Al-Qur’an, hadith, theology and Sufism.

Together with this production, Malay language stands as a standard medium of communication, standard language to propagate Islamic teachings as well as a lingua franca that used throughout the Archipelago. The advent of Islam with its teaching to spread the message of Islam simultaneously helps to consolidate the using of this language in the region.

The adaptation and the influence of Arabic and Persian literatures contributed to the enrichment of classical Malay literature. Apart from the adaptation of vocabulary, Malay World also imported the forms and styles of poetry; for example the Arabic shi’ir (in Arabs tradition, shi’ir=poetry, sha’ir=people who read that poetry, qasidah=a whole complete poetry, bait=line from poetry). From Arabic shi’ir later emerge the Malay World ‘syair’.

By 18th century, Malay syair were transmuted into all categories of Malay literatures such as religious works, Malay historiography and hikayat. With method of syair, it offers an alternative other than just plain story to deliver the message of Islam. In 17th century, Malay syair employed to describe the historical events (Malay historiography). Malay hikayat such as Kalilah wa Dimnah and Hikayat Bakhtiyar also appeared as a reproduction of Persian literatures Kalilah wa Dimnah and Bakhtiyar Namah.

Some other forms of Malay classical literature that were inspired by the Arabs, Persian and Indian literatures encapsulated in various themes. One of it is a story of romances that told stories about Muslim kings and queens, together with their princess and princesses. This theme usually storied adventurous of love, war and struggle for the establishment of justice. Examples could be seen in Hikayat Mahmud Ghaznawi and Hikayat Sultan Moghul.

Besides, there are two well-known works which were written as the instruction to the Malay Sultans; there are Taj al-Salatin and Bustan al-Salatin. Taj al-Salatin (The Crown of Kings) was produced by Bukhari al-Jauhari in 1603 AD. Although its title was written in Arabic but the contents of this ‘political guide’ was written in Malay language. Taj al-Salatin contains examples of Muslim kings and pious man of olden time. Author added the Islamic preaching and values to his writing as a warning to his readers about the painful punishment in the Day of the Judgement for those who against Allah’s command.

While in Bustan al-Salatin (The Garden of Kings), it’s served as the instruction to the kings. This work that was written by Shaykh Nur al-Din al-Raniri was divided into seven chapters that dealing with the creation, prophets and kings, just kings and clever ministers, heroes, all kinds of sciences etc.. Shaykh Nur al-Din al-Raniri based most of his subject matter on Islamic teachings.

VI. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (ADMIRAL ZHENG HE)

ADMIRAL ZHENG HE
CHINA
HAJJ 1431-1433 AD / 834-836 AH


Admiral Zheng He (1371-1433 AD/ 772 – 836 AH) was born in Yunnan province in 1371 AD/ 772 AH, and was raised in a Muslim noble family. ‘Zheng He’ was an honorific given by the Yongle Emperor in appreciation of his excellent services to the imperial court. His surname, Ma, is an indication that he was a Muslim. His father, known as ‘Ma Haji’, provided stirring tales of his own adventures en route to Mecca. On Zheng He’s seventh and last voyage he finally reached the Holy City. The seventh voyage of Admiral Zheng He covered a wide area, stretching from the Malay Archipelago to Mogadishu in Africa. On the way back from Mecca, it has been reported that Zheng He died of illness. His ships were filled with exotic produce and rare animals, but the admiral’s body never returned to his home country. Based on sea-faring tradition, he was buried at the sea.

The Epitaph of Ancestor Ma, also known as Tablet of Ma Haji, is one of the most important artefacts that prove Zheng He’s genealogical background. This tablet stated that: “Zheng He was ambitious from young”. His father, Ma Haji, considered Zheng He to be intelligent and possessed of a good memory. He was fond of classic books as well as martial arts. His level of curiosity was astonishingly mature. Zheng He frequently asked his father and his grandfather about their experiences and adventure while performing Al-Hajj pilgrimage. This perhaps made the allure of Mecca irresistible.
LAKSAMANA ZHENG HE
CHINA
IBADAH HAJI 1431-1433 M / 834-836 H

Laksamana Zheng He (1371 – 1433 M/ 772 – 836 H) telah dilahirkan di daerah Yunnan pada 1371 M/ 772 H dan dibesarkan di dalam sebuah keluarga bangsawan Islam. ‘Zheng He’ ialah gelaran penghormatan yang dianugerahkan oleh maharaja Yongle di atas khidmat cemerlangnya kepada pihak istana. Ma’ ialah nama keluarga Islam. Ayah Zheng He yang dikenali sebagai Haji Ma telah menceritakan pengembaraannya yang menakjubkan ketika dalam perjalanan ke Makkah. Dalam pelayarannya yang ke tujuh dan yang terakhir (1432-1433 M/ 835 – 836 H), akhirnya Zheng He telah sampai ke Tanah Suci. Pelayaran ke tujuh Laksamana Zheng He melibatkan kawasan yang luas, meliputi Kepulauan Melayu hingga ke Mogadishu di Afrika. Sewaktu dalam perjalanan pulang dari Makkah, Zheng He dilaporkan telah meninggal dunia kerana diserang penyakit. Kapal-kapalnya dipenuhi dengan pelbagai barangan yang luar biasa dan pelbagai haiwan yang jarang ditemui. Jenazah Laksamana Zheng He tidak dibawa pulang ke kampung halamannya. Mengikut tradisi pelayaran, jasad beliau disemadikan di dalam laut.

Epitaf nenek moyang Ma, juga di kenali sebagai Batu Bersurat Haji Ma merupakan sebuah artifak yang paling penting bagi menunjukkan latarbelakang salasilah Zheng He. Batu bersurat ini telah menyatakan bahawa: “Zheng He ialah seorang yang bercita-cita tinggi semenjak dia masih muda”. Ayahnya, Haji Ma, yang meninggal dunia pada 1344 M/ 745 H ketika berusia tiga puluh sembilan tahun menggambarkan Zheng He sebagai seorang yang cerdik dan memiliki daya ingatan yang baik. Anak lelakinya begitu menggemari karya klasik dan juga seni mempertahankan diri. Sifat ingin tahu yang dimilikinya sememangnya menunjukkan kematangan. Zheng He kerap mengajukan pertanyaan kepada ayah dan datuknya berkenaan dengan pengalaman dan cabaran yang mereka alami semasa menunaikan ibadah haji. Kemungkinan inilah yang menyebabkan keinginannya untuk ke Makkah sangat kuat.

SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.


V. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (SIKANDAR, THE BEGUM OF BHOPAL)

HER HIGHNESS SIKANDAR,
THE BEGUM OF BHOPAL
INDIA
HAJJ 1864 AD / 1280 AH

Bhopal, a Muslim state in pre-independence India was governed by four women rulers between the years 1819 AD/ 1234 AH and 1926 AD/ 1344 AH. Nawab Sikandar Begum’s pilgrimage to Mecca in 1864 AD/ 1280 AH is acknowledged as the first Hajj account recorded by a regent. Sikandar Begum set sail for Mecca in late 1863 AD/ 1279 AH, with her mother, Qudsia Begum, her uncle and an entourage of hundreds. She reached the port of Jeddah in January 1864 AD/ 1280 AH and stayed there for a week. Then she instructed her agent, Abd al-Rahim to hire a camel caravan for the journey to Mecca. Sikandar Begum described performing her religious duty in Mecca:

“The hour of my arrival at Mecca was the ‘isha (first watch of the night), and the call to evening prayers was sounding from the different mosques. I entered within the holy precincts by the Gate of Peace, and, arriving at he House of Abraham, I stood and read the prescribed prayers. After that, I performed the ceremonies of the Arrival Tawaf, and of running at Safa and Marwa.”

Receiving considerable attention from others, Sikandar Begum felt uncomfortable about performing her duty. At one point in her accounts, she mentions how she was completely mobbed by faqirs during her tawaf. This problem was only resolved after her request to the Sharif of Mecca to provide four bodyguards to accompany her during tawaf was approved. Besides, as a precaution, she decided to wear the veil to avoid being recognized.

DULI YANG TERAMAT MULIA SIKANDAR,
BEGUM DARI BHOPAL
INDIA
IBADAH HAJI 1864 M / 1280 H

Bhopal, sebuah kerajaan Islam yang wujud sebelum kemerdekaan India. Ia diperintah oleh empat orang pemerintah wanita di antara tahun 1819 M/ 1234 H dan 1926 M/ 1344 H. Pengalaman perjalanan Nawab Sikandar Begum menunaikan haji ke Makkah pada tahun 1864 M/ 1280 H di akui sebagai catatan haji yang pertama direkodkan oleh pemangku raja. Sikandar Begum memulakan pelayaran ke Makkah pada akhir 1863 M/ 1279 H bersama-sama dengan ibunya Qudsia Begum, bapa saudara dan ratusan pengiringnya. Begum tiba di pelabuhan Jeddah pada bulan Januari 1864 M/ 1280 H dan menetap di sana selama satu minggu. Kemudian baginda mengarahkan orang suruhannya, Abd al-Rahim untuk mengupah karavan unta untuk perjalanan ke Makkah. Sikandar Begum memperincikan ibadah haji yang dilakukan di sana:

“sewaktu beta tiba di kota Makkah, kedengaran suara azan berkumandang dari beberapa buah masjid yang menandakan masuknya waktu Isyak. Beta masuk ke kawasan haram melalui pintu as-Salam, dan setelah sampai di Makam Ibrahim, beta berdiri dan mengerjakan solat seperti yang telah ditetapkan. Selepas itu, beta mengerjakan tawaf selamat datang, dan mengerjakan saie di Safa dan Marwa.”

Sikandar Begum merasa tidak selesa menunaikan ibadah haji kerana baginda menerima perhatian yang keterlaluan daripada orang ramai. Dalam salah satu daripada catatannya baginda menceritakan bagaimana dirinya telah di kerumuni oleh golongan fakir miskin ketika melakukan tawaf. Masalah ini hanya dapat di selesaikan setelah pemohonan beliau kepada Sharif Makkah bagi mendapatkan empat orang pengawal peribadi untuk mengawal baginda ketika tawaf diluluskan. Selain daripada itu, sebagai langkah berjaga-jaga, Begum juga memutuskan untuk memakai purdah bagi menggelakkan dirinya daripada di kenali.

SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.

Wednesday, June 23, 2010

WESTERN-CHRISTIANS IMAGES ON ISLAM: 'YESTERDAY' AND TODAY.


“Anti-Islamic stereotypes in Europe now again becoming virulent under a new constellation of world politics are the reflection of this early antagonistic history of Islamic-Christian interaction in the course of the expansion of Islamic rule in Europe since the 8th century and of the resulting Christian reconquista and crusades”
- Professor Hans Koechler -
It is not uncommon and not something bizarre for us in acknowledging that the clash of civilization between the Muslims and Western World that we are facing today already taken its roots before the modern era. The legacy for this bitter relation between these two major characters in the world affairs today as matter of fact could be traced since the early period of the Middle Ages. As been portrayed by Professor Hans Koechler, “the early clash of civilization since the middle Ages has created a legacy of confrontation, distrust and misunderstanding up to this day’ (IKIM Journal, vol. 7, no.2, pp. 99-100). In spite of various means and diplomatic ways has been adopted to fix, or at least to bridge the relationship between these two, this lengthy and arduous efforts seems as something as an unending inquiries.

This brief article has a purpose to bring out some sort of historical explanation on how the early contact between the Muslims and the Western civilization has taken it shape. Perhaps, by viewing this issue historically, it will provide us at least a cornerstone for any of our subsequent undertakings to find any appropriate solutions.

John Victor Tolan in his introduction of Medieval Christian Perception of Islam has stated, “The first generations of Christians to face Muslim invasions see Muslims as a formidable political and military force, but know and care little about their religious beliefs. It is only in the following generations, as the Christian majority assimilate to Arabic culture and convert in large numbers to Islam, that Islam becomes the religious threat; then and only then do Christians feel a need to confront the religious challenge of Islam”.

This ‘religious challenge of Islam’ as been mentioned by John Victor Tolan, leads to the polemic which has been presented in various forms and means; depends on the individual specialization and preoccupation. Series of ‘masterpieces’ of the early Christian theologians that enthusiastically played a role in championing the superiority of Christianity over Islam perhaps the perfect example to show their early perception on Islam. Richard Fletcher in his controversial work entitles The Cross and the Cresent: The dramatic story of the earliest encounters between Christians and Muslims uncovers some of the contents of Ystoria de Mahomet that compiled during eight or early ninth century in Southern Spain. In that writing, Prophet Muhammad was nicknamed as “son of darkness”, came with a new false teaching, claimed to have a divine inspiration that brought by the vulture professed as the angel of Gabriel. Also as example in the writing of famous Christian figure in ninth century, Alvarez of Recoba, who identified Prophet Muhammad as the beast from Apocalypse that brought the destruction towards Christian sanctuaries.

The contacts that happened later between the West and the Eastern world generally had generated the prosperity to the West; frankly speaking, it promoted and upgraded the quality of the socio economics life of the Western World. Despite all of these changes, it offered almost nothing for the Western Christian world in perceiving the Muslim World with positive kind of spirit or more to the ‘friendly’ attitude. As addressed by Svetlana Luchitkaja, ‘…the increase in direct contact with Islams seems to have done little to modify either the traditional stereotypes or newer exotica’.(Journal of Medieval History, vol. 26, no. 2, 115-126). The question of why, in spite of this kind of contacts of Christian with Muslims World since the Middle Ages didn’t exactly brought to the more clear understanding about Islam actually has been mingled in the mind of historians until this moment. Circle of academia also facing a great dispute whether the outcome of the contact between the West and Muslims just merely lead to more distorted images about the latter.

Luchitskaja further understands this situation by approaching this issue by analyzing the traits and attitudes of human beings in history. Starting her view by expressing provocative question, “What was more tenacious, ecclesiastical stereotypes and prejudices or real contacts and experiences of life, increased the knowledge of Islam?”. In her opinion, human beings have tendency towards the nature for stereotypes and prejudices, together with the combination of spiritual values (i.e. Christian doctrines), both factors then prevailed the role of knowledge and experience. Above all, this reason compelled the person to perceive others with negative perception, same as what had been exemplified by some of the medieval Christian chronicler in their literary expression that overflowed with full of hatredness against Islam and Prophet Muhammad S.A.W.

After all, it is us who live in this world today. And this world that we live in really needs a real panacea; to fix up this Western-Christians-Muslims dilemma. In part of Muslims’ history, some early generations had portrayed how the possibility for harmonious relationship among Muslims and Non-Muslims could be established, as what has done by Prophet Muhammad S.A.W in establishing the Republic of Madinah. Same goes to Saydina ‘Umar al-Khattab and Salah al-din al-Ayyubi in prospering the third Holy place of Muslims without alienated the peoples other than Muslims. On the other hand, Western world really need to understand and respecting others includes Muslims. Although history that written about the brutality and barbarity during the massacre in Jerusalem 1099 A.D. hurt Muslims as a whole, Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi never revenge and react the same way after he re captured Jerusalem in 1187 A.D., and the latter choosing and calling for peace (salm/silm). A calling for peace is a universal demand that really need to understand not only by the West, but by Muslims too. Peace cannot be achieved with inhumane and irrational actions as well as by impulsive reactions; moreover as proven in history of humankind, peace too is never result of war and confrontation.
SOURCE: Zulkifli Ishak 2007.