Tuesday, June 29, 2010

CANNIBALISM IN THE MALAY WORLD: MYTH OR FACT?

“It is perfectly possible to argue that some distinctive objects are made by the mind, and that these objects, while appearing to exist objectively, have only fictional reality. A group of people living on a few acres of land will set up boundaries between their land and its immediate surroundings and the territory beyond, which they call 'the land of barbarians.' In other words, this universal practice of designating in one’s mind a familiar space which is 'ours' and an unfamiliar space beyond 'ours' which is 'theirs' is a way of making geographical distinctions that can be entirely arbitrary. I use the word 'arbitrary' here because imaginative geography of the 'our land-barbarian land' variety does not require that the barbarians acknowledge the distinction. It is enough for 'us' to set up these boundaries in our own minds; 'they' become 'they' accordingly, and both their territory and their mentality are designated as different from 'ours'.”
[Edward Said, Orientalism, New York: Vintage Books, 1979, p.54.]
History of European encounter with the community of peoples that consumed their equals (human flesh) was popular to the medieval Europeans in view of the fact that this phenomenon had been known since the ancient times. Herodotus, famous Greek historian had described a group of people who consuming the deceased bodies that belonged to their own communities known as the Androphagoi or Androphopagoi and this group of people lived in the northern parts of Scythian, which was ‘far away’ from Greece (Iris Gareis, “Cannibals, Bons Sauvages, and tasty white men: Models of alterity in the encounter of South American Tupi and Europeans,” The Medieval History Journal, 5, 2, (2002), pp. 251-252.). In the modern context, the act of consuming human flesh is commonly known as cannibalism and this practice is usually pictured “while dismembering or cutting up human bodies and busy with the roasting or cooking of their victims” (Iris Gareis, p.252).

The origin of the word cannibal which is associated with the practice of eating human flesh could be traced back to 1492 C.E., during the historical voyage of Christopher Columbus who discovered America. Based on the information that was given by his interpreter who gathered the story from the indigenous group of Arawak of Cuba, the Arawak is defining their rivals, the Carib, as having only one eye with heads like dogs and they ate human flesh. At this very early stage, Christopher Columbus had second hand information concerning some of the inhabitants on the Caribbean Island (Frank Lestringant, Canibals: The discovery and representation of the Canibal from Columbus to Jules Verne, trans. by Rosemary Morris, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997, p. 15).

The word cannibal then is believed to have come from the misinterpretation of cariba, the word which portrays the barbarity of the Carib, which was given by their neighboring enemy, the Arawak. For the Carib themselves, cariba means ‘bold’ and ‘courage’. Through time, the Arawak had transformed this word to caniba where the Spanish recognized it as cannibal (Iris Gareis, p. 250). The latter word by the Spanish reflects the meaning of cannibalism which was familiar with the modern sense of its usage.

Does the practice of cannibalism exist in the Malay World? Accounts by European travelers to this archipelago kept mentioning the Europeans encounter with peoples from this region who consume the flesh of their equals. This group of peoples from the Malay World was depicted as beast, savages and idolaters; to some extent this group even was described as having heads like dogs!. Is it this notion is a myth or fact?

As stated in Itinerario of Varthema in describing the cannibalistic tradition which occurred in Java during the first quarter of the 16th century, was as follows:

“The people in this island who eat flesh, when their fathers become so old that they can no longer do any work, their children or relations set them up in the market-place for sale, and those who purchase them kill them and eat them cooked. And if any young man should be attacked by any great sickness, and that it should appear to the skillful that he might die of it, the father or the brother of the sickman kills him, and they do not wait for him to die. And when they have killed him they sell him to others to be eaten. We, being astonished at such a thing, some merchants of the country said to us: “O your poor Persians, why do you have such charming flesh to be eaten by the worms?” My companion hearing this immediately exclaimed: “Quick, quick, let us go to our ship, for these people shall never more come near me on land.”[Ludovico di Varthema, The travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India and Ethopia, A.D. 1503-1508, translated by J.W. Jones & edited by G.P. Badger. In Fuat Sezgin (ed.), In The Islamic World in foreign travel accounts, vol II. Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University Frankfurt am Main, 1994. (Reprint of the Edition London, 1853), 255-257.]
Then, Sir John Mandeville in his Travels which was published between 1357 and 1371, in elaborating the custom that belonged to the man-eaters in Andaman Island, which was portrayed as:

“They live here a people of evil customs, for fathers eat their sons and sons their fathers, husbands their wives and wives their husbands. For if it chance that a man’s father is sick, the son goes to the priest of their religion and ask him to inquire of their god-who is an idol-whether his father will live or die of that sickness. And the devil within that idol may answer that he will not die at that time, and indicates some medicines to heal him with; then the son returns to his father and does as instructed until he is well again. But it says he will die, the priest and the son and the wife of the sick man come to him and throw a cloth over his mouth and stop him breathing, and kill him. When he is dead they take his body and cut it in little pieces, and summon all his friends, and all the musicians they can get, and make a solemn feast and eat the dead man’s body. And when they have eaten all the flesh, they collect all the bones together and bury them according to their custom with great solemnity and loud singing. And thus each friend does to another; and if so happen that a man who is a relation of the dead man keeps away from the feast and comes not to the funeral, all the family will accuse him of a serious fault, and he will never after be counted among their friends. They say that they eat the flesh of their friend so that worms should not eat him in earth, and to release him from the great pain that his soul would suffer if worms gnawed him in the earth. They also say, when they find his flesh lean through long illness, that it would be a great sin to allow him to live longer or suffer pain without a cause. If they find his flesh fat, they say they have done well to have killed him so quickly and sent him to Paradise, not allowing him to be tormented too long in is world.” [John Mandeville, The travels of Sir John Mandeville, translated by C.W.R.D. Moseley, (London: Penguin Classics, 1983), 136-137.]
And finally, account by the famous Venetian merchant and traveler, Marco Polo, in picturing the custom of consuming human flesh in the kingdom of Dagroian, which he located in Sumatra during the 13th century as stated:

“When one of them is ill they send for their sorcerers, and put the question to them, whether the sick man shall recover of his sickness or no. If they say that he will recover, then they let him alone till he gets better. But if the sorcerers foretell that the sick man is to die, the friends send for certain judges of theirs to put to death him who has thus been condemned by the sorcerers to die. These man come, and lay so many clothes upon the sick man’s mouth that they suffocate him. And when he is dead they have him cooked, and gather together all the dead man’s kin, and eat him. And I assure you they do suck the very bones till not a particle of narrow remains in them; for they say that if any nourishment remained in the bones this would breed worms, and then the worms would die for want of food, and the death of those worms would be laid to the change of the deceased man’s soul. And so they eat him up stump and rump. And when they have thus eaten him they collect his bones and put them in fire chests, and carry them away, and place them in caverns among the mountains where no beast nor other creature can get at them. And you must know also that if they take prisoners a man of another country, and he cannot pay a ransom in coin, they kill him and eat him straight away. It is a very evil custom and a parlous.” [Marco Polo, The book of Ser Marco Polo,vol. II, Henry Yule & Henry Cordier (ed. and trans.), (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1993), 294].
Now come to the arguments to see whether this notion is simply as myth or fact. First of all, Varthema, Sir John Mandeville, Marco Polo or other travelers did not generalize all inhabitants of the Malay World lived in gore and cannibalistic atmosphere, but it confined to certain areas in the region. As Marco Polo as a case study, peoples who live in remote areas and islands as Sumatra, Java, Nicobar and Andaman were consider as beast and idolaters, and some of them practiced cannibalism. Marco Polo illustrates beast and idolaters in his accounts did exist in different places in Sumatra, in particular, the hill-people of Ferlec or Perlak who lived like beasts where they ate human flesh (Marco Polo, The book of Ser Marco Polo, vol. II, Henry Yule & Henry Cordier (ed. and trans.), New Delhi: Munshiram manoharlal, 1993, p. 284). The people of Basma then were just like beast without laws and religion (Marco Polo, p. 285), while the people of Fansur and Lambri were both considered as idolaters (Marco Polo, p. 299). Syed Manzurul Islam in his book The Ethics of Travel from Marco Polo to Kafka attested that the term of ‘beast’ or ‘idolaters’ in medieval European travel narratives were generally as metaphors to portray the savagery of the people. This term also appears as a reflection of majority of medieval European understanding on the population of the world. During the medieval times, the off-limits of the East/Asia known to them is Taprobane (Greek word, originally from Sanskrit tamraparn means cooper leaf, located in Ceylon or Sri Lanka today). Region beyond and farther than Taprobane was considered as unknown land/ terra incognita. The inhabitants of this terra incognita were totally different and unequal to Europe, whether in the way of life, or even the physical beings. In order to describe the dwellers of terra incognita, there are no choices for them to present this population as normal as human beings, or as normal as European. As result, there exist a people as having heads like dogs/ cynocephali who ate human flesh and series more monstrous beings/ homo monstrum. Terra incognita must have been described as ‘others’!.

Second argument has a relation with the former. Descriptions of strangeness such as European encounter with monstrous races, cynocephali or man-eaters (cannibals) usually could be spotted in new found land. Herodotus described Androphagoi lived ‘far away’ from Greece, that is in northern Scythian. This is probably happened because the northern Scythian is unknown to the people of Greece, or Greece chooses to isolate themselves from the Northern Scythian. This phenomenon indirectly gives a notion that the farther Europeans/ human beings explore their world, the enormous chances they will confront the strangeness. That is the reason why in different epochs of medieval European history of exploration, they will discover a lot and new version of strangeness. Strangeness founded in India, than move to Persia, further to Scandinavia, then to Asia, to South America so on and so forth (nowadays it perhaps evolved to a new level after entire world already discovered, that is Mars).

Finally, as stated in accounts of Varthema in 16th century, Sir John Mandeville in 14th century and Marco Polo in 13th century in describing of cannibalistic rituals in the Malay Archipelago, these accounts have a consistency in structure and story line. You don’t have to be a genius to notice this similarity. What is the explanation for this ‘similarity’? Travelers might continue the tradition of their predecessors in jotted down their descriptions on cannibalism in this region. Travelers might find a ‘short-cut’ by copying and putting a strange tradition to fulfill the thirst of European for the story of new exotic things. And perhaps the farthest these travelers go is a nearest library to their home.

In short, based on these arguments, the story of cannibalism in the Malay World is just might a story and the story that ahistorical one. Malay World in 13th to 16th century is hardly to perceive as an idolaters region, moreover as a region that practice cannibalism. Marco Polo in 13th century had described his encounters with Saracen/ Muslims in Perlak. Islam also was recorded to have been established in Sulu Archipelago, an area located in modern Philippines. Sulu Archipelago which is comprised of islands namely Basilan, Jolo and Tawi-tawi, were believed to receive Islam as early as the 14th century. The establishment of the Muslim Sultanate here started with the inter-marriage between Shariful Islam, an Arab Muslim trader and the daughter of the Jolo king and Shariful Islam later established the Islamic Sulu Sultanate in the 15th century. While in 16th century, Varthema described his meeting with Malacca Sultan who is a Muslim, so as his kingdom. Long story short, is that cannibalism in the Malay World is a myth or fact? I consider the former.

PLUS: Mitos cannibalism adalah fenomena universal. Cerita cannibalism wujud di merata tempat seperti di Kepulauan Melayu, India, Selatan Brazil etc. Mitos ini melahirkan banyak versi filem2 cannibal macam Cannibal Holocaust, Cannibal Ferox etc. Mitos2 ini juga menjadi dasar kepada pemikiran colonial2 barat yang rasa terpanggil untuk memajukan bangsa2 ‘primitif’ di seluruh dunia dengan ‘White’s Man Burden’ sebagai justifikasi mereka. Mitos2 ini berkembang sejajar dengan peredaran masa. Orang2 British mula mencipta mitos bahawa penduduk kepulauan Melayu masih bersikap dengan penuh ‘kelanunan’, dan penduduk kepulauan Melayu juga pemalas. Allahyarhan Syed Hussein Alatas menulis sebuah buku yang bagus bagi mereka yang ingin mengetahui cerita mitos orang2 putih dalam The Myth of Lazy Natives.
SOURCE: zulkifli ishak, before December 2009.

Sunday, June 27, 2010

CLASSICAL MALAY LITERATURE: A SHORT NOTES

“The fact that the Malay-Muslim political treatise Taj-us Salatin existed nearly half a century before Hobbes’ Leviathan would make it difficult for anyone to suggest that the Malays were in need of instruction in matters political, historical or economics”.
[Farish A. Noor, The Other Malaysia: Writing on Malaysia’s Subaltern History, Kuala Lumpur: Silverfish Books, 2005, p. 39]

Arabic script/alphabet/harf was adapted by the Malays as the medium of writings (later known as jawi writings). Five new letters were added in order to make suit with certain Malay words and pronunciations; these five give a sound as ca – nga – pa – ga – nya (i.e.for usage like ca for cawan, means cup). The adaptation of Arabic scripts later enriched the vocabulary of Malay language itself, thus it is not uncommon that Malay language have a similarity in words and meanings that originally from Arabic (i.e. kitab, wakaf, kubur, etc.).
It was believed that the earliest writings produced in the Malay language/jawi writings were in the form of religious books called kitab or risalah. Kitab or risalah have purposes as a religious instruction, and the earliest amongst them related with the basic teachings of Islam as shahadah, pilgrimage to Makkah, arkan al-Iman, etc. By time, advanced writings on various Islamic studies were produced by Muslims scholars on topics of Islamic laws, Al-Qur’an, hadith, theology and Sufism.

Together with this production, Malay language stands as a standard medium of communication, standard language to propagate Islamic teachings as well as a lingua franca that used throughout the Archipelago. The advent of Islam with its teaching to spread the message of Islam simultaneously helps to consolidate the using of this language in the region.

The adaptation and the influence of Arabic and Persian literatures contributed to the enrichment of classical Malay literature. Apart from the adaptation of vocabulary, Malay World also imported the forms and styles of poetry; for example the Arabic shi’ir (in Arabs tradition, shi’ir=poetry, sha’ir=people who read that poetry, qasidah=a whole complete poetry, bait=line from poetry). From Arabic shi’ir later emerge the Malay World ‘syair’.

By 18th century, Malay syair were transmuted into all categories of Malay literatures such as religious works, Malay historiography and hikayat. With method of syair, it offers an alternative other than just plain story to deliver the message of Islam. In 17th century, Malay syair employed to describe the historical events (Malay historiography). Malay hikayat such as Kalilah wa Dimnah and Hikayat Bakhtiyar also appeared as a reproduction of Persian literatures Kalilah wa Dimnah and Bakhtiyar Namah.

Some other forms of Malay classical literature that were inspired by the Arabs, Persian and Indian literatures encapsulated in various themes. One of it is a story of romances that told stories about Muslim kings and queens, together with their princess and princesses. This theme usually storied adventurous of love, war and struggle for the establishment of justice. Examples could be seen in Hikayat Mahmud Ghaznawi and Hikayat Sultan Moghul.

Besides, there are two well-known works which were written as the instruction to the Malay Sultans; there are Taj al-Salatin and Bustan al-Salatin. Taj al-Salatin (The Crown of Kings) was produced by Bukhari al-Jauhari in 1603 AD. Although its title was written in Arabic but the contents of this ‘political guide’ was written in Malay language. Taj al-Salatin contains examples of Muslim kings and pious man of olden time. Author added the Islamic preaching and values to his writing as a warning to his readers about the painful punishment in the Day of the Judgement for those who against Allah’s command.

While in Bustan al-Salatin (The Garden of Kings), it’s served as the instruction to the kings. This work that was written by Shaykh Nur al-Din al-Raniri was divided into seven chapters that dealing with the creation, prophets and kings, just kings and clever ministers, heroes, all kinds of sciences etc.. Shaykh Nur al-Din al-Raniri based most of his subject matter on Islamic teachings.

VI. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (ADMIRAL ZHENG HE)

ADMIRAL ZHENG HE
CHINA
HAJJ 1431-1433 AD / 834-836 AH


Admiral Zheng He (1371-1433 AD/ 772 – 836 AH) was born in Yunnan province in 1371 AD/ 772 AH, and was raised in a Muslim noble family. ‘Zheng He’ was an honorific given by the Yongle Emperor in appreciation of his excellent services to the imperial court. His surname, Ma, is an indication that he was a Muslim. His father, known as ‘Ma Haji’, provided stirring tales of his own adventures en route to Mecca. On Zheng He’s seventh and last voyage he finally reached the Holy City. The seventh voyage of Admiral Zheng He covered a wide area, stretching from the Malay Archipelago to Mogadishu in Africa. On the way back from Mecca, it has been reported that Zheng He died of illness. His ships were filled with exotic produce and rare animals, but the admiral’s body never returned to his home country. Based on sea-faring tradition, he was buried at the sea.

The Epitaph of Ancestor Ma, also known as Tablet of Ma Haji, is one of the most important artefacts that prove Zheng He’s genealogical background. This tablet stated that: “Zheng He was ambitious from young”. His father, Ma Haji, considered Zheng He to be intelligent and possessed of a good memory. He was fond of classic books as well as martial arts. His level of curiosity was astonishingly mature. Zheng He frequently asked his father and his grandfather about their experiences and adventure while performing Al-Hajj pilgrimage. This perhaps made the allure of Mecca irresistible.
LAKSAMANA ZHENG HE
CHINA
IBADAH HAJI 1431-1433 M / 834-836 H

Laksamana Zheng He (1371 – 1433 M/ 772 – 836 H) telah dilahirkan di daerah Yunnan pada 1371 M/ 772 H dan dibesarkan di dalam sebuah keluarga bangsawan Islam. ‘Zheng He’ ialah gelaran penghormatan yang dianugerahkan oleh maharaja Yongle di atas khidmat cemerlangnya kepada pihak istana. Ma’ ialah nama keluarga Islam. Ayah Zheng He yang dikenali sebagai Haji Ma telah menceritakan pengembaraannya yang menakjubkan ketika dalam perjalanan ke Makkah. Dalam pelayarannya yang ke tujuh dan yang terakhir (1432-1433 M/ 835 – 836 H), akhirnya Zheng He telah sampai ke Tanah Suci. Pelayaran ke tujuh Laksamana Zheng He melibatkan kawasan yang luas, meliputi Kepulauan Melayu hingga ke Mogadishu di Afrika. Sewaktu dalam perjalanan pulang dari Makkah, Zheng He dilaporkan telah meninggal dunia kerana diserang penyakit. Kapal-kapalnya dipenuhi dengan pelbagai barangan yang luar biasa dan pelbagai haiwan yang jarang ditemui. Jenazah Laksamana Zheng He tidak dibawa pulang ke kampung halamannya. Mengikut tradisi pelayaran, jasad beliau disemadikan di dalam laut.

Epitaf nenek moyang Ma, juga di kenali sebagai Batu Bersurat Haji Ma merupakan sebuah artifak yang paling penting bagi menunjukkan latarbelakang salasilah Zheng He. Batu bersurat ini telah menyatakan bahawa: “Zheng He ialah seorang yang bercita-cita tinggi semenjak dia masih muda”. Ayahnya, Haji Ma, yang meninggal dunia pada 1344 M/ 745 H ketika berusia tiga puluh sembilan tahun menggambarkan Zheng He sebagai seorang yang cerdik dan memiliki daya ingatan yang baik. Anak lelakinya begitu menggemari karya klasik dan juga seni mempertahankan diri. Sifat ingin tahu yang dimilikinya sememangnya menunjukkan kematangan. Zheng He kerap mengajukan pertanyaan kepada ayah dan datuknya berkenaan dengan pengalaman dan cabaran yang mereka alami semasa menunaikan ibadah haji. Kemungkinan inilah yang menyebabkan keinginannya untuk ke Makkah sangat kuat.

SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.


V. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (SIKANDAR, THE BEGUM OF BHOPAL)

HER HIGHNESS SIKANDAR,
THE BEGUM OF BHOPAL
INDIA
HAJJ 1864 AD / 1280 AH

Bhopal, a Muslim state in pre-independence India was governed by four women rulers between the years 1819 AD/ 1234 AH and 1926 AD/ 1344 AH. Nawab Sikandar Begum’s pilgrimage to Mecca in 1864 AD/ 1280 AH is acknowledged as the first Hajj account recorded by a regent. Sikandar Begum set sail for Mecca in late 1863 AD/ 1279 AH, with her mother, Qudsia Begum, her uncle and an entourage of hundreds. She reached the port of Jeddah in January 1864 AD/ 1280 AH and stayed there for a week. Then she instructed her agent, Abd al-Rahim to hire a camel caravan for the journey to Mecca. Sikandar Begum described performing her religious duty in Mecca:

“The hour of my arrival at Mecca was the ‘isha (first watch of the night), and the call to evening prayers was sounding from the different mosques. I entered within the holy precincts by the Gate of Peace, and, arriving at he House of Abraham, I stood and read the prescribed prayers. After that, I performed the ceremonies of the Arrival Tawaf, and of running at Safa and Marwa.”

Receiving considerable attention from others, Sikandar Begum felt uncomfortable about performing her duty. At one point in her accounts, she mentions how she was completely mobbed by faqirs during her tawaf. This problem was only resolved after her request to the Sharif of Mecca to provide four bodyguards to accompany her during tawaf was approved. Besides, as a precaution, she decided to wear the veil to avoid being recognized.

DULI YANG TERAMAT MULIA SIKANDAR,
BEGUM DARI BHOPAL
INDIA
IBADAH HAJI 1864 M / 1280 H

Bhopal, sebuah kerajaan Islam yang wujud sebelum kemerdekaan India. Ia diperintah oleh empat orang pemerintah wanita di antara tahun 1819 M/ 1234 H dan 1926 M/ 1344 H. Pengalaman perjalanan Nawab Sikandar Begum menunaikan haji ke Makkah pada tahun 1864 M/ 1280 H di akui sebagai catatan haji yang pertama direkodkan oleh pemangku raja. Sikandar Begum memulakan pelayaran ke Makkah pada akhir 1863 M/ 1279 H bersama-sama dengan ibunya Qudsia Begum, bapa saudara dan ratusan pengiringnya. Begum tiba di pelabuhan Jeddah pada bulan Januari 1864 M/ 1280 H dan menetap di sana selama satu minggu. Kemudian baginda mengarahkan orang suruhannya, Abd al-Rahim untuk mengupah karavan unta untuk perjalanan ke Makkah. Sikandar Begum memperincikan ibadah haji yang dilakukan di sana:

“sewaktu beta tiba di kota Makkah, kedengaran suara azan berkumandang dari beberapa buah masjid yang menandakan masuknya waktu Isyak. Beta masuk ke kawasan haram melalui pintu as-Salam, dan setelah sampai di Makam Ibrahim, beta berdiri dan mengerjakan solat seperti yang telah ditetapkan. Selepas itu, beta mengerjakan tawaf selamat datang, dan mengerjakan saie di Safa dan Marwa.”

Sikandar Begum merasa tidak selesa menunaikan ibadah haji kerana baginda menerima perhatian yang keterlaluan daripada orang ramai. Dalam salah satu daripada catatannya baginda menceritakan bagaimana dirinya telah di kerumuni oleh golongan fakir miskin ketika melakukan tawaf. Masalah ini hanya dapat di selesaikan setelah pemohonan beliau kepada Sharif Makkah bagi mendapatkan empat orang pengawal peribadi untuk mengawal baginda ketika tawaf diluluskan. Selain daripada itu, sebagai langkah berjaga-jaga, Begum juga memutuskan untuk memakai purdah bagi menggelakkan dirinya daripada di kenali.

SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.

Wednesday, June 23, 2010

WESTERN-CHRISTIANS IMAGES ON ISLAM: 'YESTERDAY' AND TODAY.


“Anti-Islamic stereotypes in Europe now again becoming virulent under a new constellation of world politics are the reflection of this early antagonistic history of Islamic-Christian interaction in the course of the expansion of Islamic rule in Europe since the 8th century and of the resulting Christian reconquista and crusades”
- Professor Hans Koechler -
It is not uncommon and not something bizarre for us in acknowledging that the clash of civilization between the Muslims and Western World that we are facing today already taken its roots before the modern era. The legacy for this bitter relation between these two major characters in the world affairs today as matter of fact could be traced since the early period of the Middle Ages. As been portrayed by Professor Hans Koechler, “the early clash of civilization since the middle Ages has created a legacy of confrontation, distrust and misunderstanding up to this day’ (IKIM Journal, vol. 7, no.2, pp. 99-100). In spite of various means and diplomatic ways has been adopted to fix, or at least to bridge the relationship between these two, this lengthy and arduous efforts seems as something as an unending inquiries.

This brief article has a purpose to bring out some sort of historical explanation on how the early contact between the Muslims and the Western civilization has taken it shape. Perhaps, by viewing this issue historically, it will provide us at least a cornerstone for any of our subsequent undertakings to find any appropriate solutions.

John Victor Tolan in his introduction of Medieval Christian Perception of Islam has stated, “The first generations of Christians to face Muslim invasions see Muslims as a formidable political and military force, but know and care little about their religious beliefs. It is only in the following generations, as the Christian majority assimilate to Arabic culture and convert in large numbers to Islam, that Islam becomes the religious threat; then and only then do Christians feel a need to confront the religious challenge of Islam”.

This ‘religious challenge of Islam’ as been mentioned by John Victor Tolan, leads to the polemic which has been presented in various forms and means; depends on the individual specialization and preoccupation. Series of ‘masterpieces’ of the early Christian theologians that enthusiastically played a role in championing the superiority of Christianity over Islam perhaps the perfect example to show their early perception on Islam. Richard Fletcher in his controversial work entitles The Cross and the Cresent: The dramatic story of the earliest encounters between Christians and Muslims uncovers some of the contents of Ystoria de Mahomet that compiled during eight or early ninth century in Southern Spain. In that writing, Prophet Muhammad was nicknamed as “son of darkness”, came with a new false teaching, claimed to have a divine inspiration that brought by the vulture professed as the angel of Gabriel. Also as example in the writing of famous Christian figure in ninth century, Alvarez of Recoba, who identified Prophet Muhammad as the beast from Apocalypse that brought the destruction towards Christian sanctuaries.

The contacts that happened later between the West and the Eastern world generally had generated the prosperity to the West; frankly speaking, it promoted and upgraded the quality of the socio economics life of the Western World. Despite all of these changes, it offered almost nothing for the Western Christian world in perceiving the Muslim World with positive kind of spirit or more to the ‘friendly’ attitude. As addressed by Svetlana Luchitkaja, ‘…the increase in direct contact with Islams seems to have done little to modify either the traditional stereotypes or newer exotica’.(Journal of Medieval History, vol. 26, no. 2, 115-126). The question of why, in spite of this kind of contacts of Christian with Muslims World since the Middle Ages didn’t exactly brought to the more clear understanding about Islam actually has been mingled in the mind of historians until this moment. Circle of academia also facing a great dispute whether the outcome of the contact between the West and Muslims just merely lead to more distorted images about the latter.

Luchitskaja further understands this situation by approaching this issue by analyzing the traits and attitudes of human beings in history. Starting her view by expressing provocative question, “What was more tenacious, ecclesiastical stereotypes and prejudices or real contacts and experiences of life, increased the knowledge of Islam?”. In her opinion, human beings have tendency towards the nature for stereotypes and prejudices, together with the combination of spiritual values (i.e. Christian doctrines), both factors then prevailed the role of knowledge and experience. Above all, this reason compelled the person to perceive others with negative perception, same as what had been exemplified by some of the medieval Christian chronicler in their literary expression that overflowed with full of hatredness against Islam and Prophet Muhammad S.A.W.

After all, it is us who live in this world today. And this world that we live in really needs a real panacea; to fix up this Western-Christians-Muslims dilemma. In part of Muslims’ history, some early generations had portrayed how the possibility for harmonious relationship among Muslims and Non-Muslims could be established, as what has done by Prophet Muhammad S.A.W in establishing the Republic of Madinah. Same goes to Saydina ‘Umar al-Khattab and Salah al-din al-Ayyubi in prospering the third Holy place of Muslims without alienated the peoples other than Muslims. On the other hand, Western world really need to understand and respecting others includes Muslims. Although history that written about the brutality and barbarity during the massacre in Jerusalem 1099 A.D. hurt Muslims as a whole, Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi never revenge and react the same way after he re captured Jerusalem in 1187 A.D., and the latter choosing and calling for peace (salm/silm). A calling for peace is a universal demand that really need to understand not only by the West, but by Muslims too. Peace cannot be achieved with inhumane and irrational actions as well as by impulsive reactions; moreover as proven in history of humankind, peace too is never result of war and confrontation.
SOURCE: Zulkifli Ishak 2007.

IV. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA)

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA
BOLOGNA, ITALY
HAJJ 1503 AD / 908 AH

Ludovico di Varthema (c. 1470-1517 AD/ 874- 922 AH) was from Bologna and is believed to have travelled extensively in the first half of the 16th century. His seven-year journey to the Middle East, India, Burma, Malaya, Siam and Indonesia between the years 1502 AD/ 907 AH and 1508 AD/ 913 AH was recorded in his famous work, entitled the Itinerario (The Itinerary). His accounts of Mecca and the Muslim Hajj pilgrimage are among the earliest European records of this subject. With his status as a Muslim still in question, he cunningly managed to enroll himself with the Mamluk vanguard of the caravan that headed for the Holy City in 1503 AD/ 908 AH. On the way to Mecca from Damascus, he recorded the obstacles that were encountered by Muslims pilgrims. Varthema entered Mecca as part of a mercenary army with the purpose of ensuring the safety of Muslim pilgrims. They set out from a place he called ‘Mezeribe’, probably Jubb al-Mazarib in Syria today. His departure in the Itinerario as stated:

“On 11th of April (1503), the said caravan departed from Mezeribe; there were 35,000 camels, about 40,000 persons, and we were sixty Memelukes in guard of the said caravan. One third of Memelukes went in advance of the caravan with the standard, another third in the centre, and the other third marched in the rear”.

One of the major obstacles for the Muslim pilgrims was a constant fear for the attack of robbers. In Varthema’s accounts, he mentioned how their company was able to overcome the nomadic pirates because of disputes relating to water resources.

LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA
BOLOGNA, ITALI
MENUJU KE MAKKAH 1503 M / 908 H

Ludovico di Varthema (1470- 157 M/ 874- 922 H) yang berasal dari Bologna, Itali dipercayai telah mengembara ke serata dunia pada sekitar abad ke-16 M / abad ke-10 H. Kembaranya selama tujuh tahun ke Timur Tengah, India, Burma, Malaya, Siam dan Indonesia di antara tahun 1502 M/ 907 H dan 1508 M/ 913 H telah dicatatkan di dalam bukunya yang terkenal bertajuk Itinerario. Catatannya berkaitan Makkah dan ibadah haji orang Islam merupakan antara yang terawal dilakukan di kalangan bangsa Eropah. Walaupun status dirinya sebagai seorang Muslim masih menjadi persoalan, kelicikannya membolehkan beliau berjaya menyertai angkatan tentera Mamluk yang bertanggungjawab mengiringi karavan haji ke Tanah Suci Makkah pada tahun 1503 M/ 908 H. Semasa dalam perjalanan ke Makkah dari Damsyik, beliau telah merekodkan halangan-halangan yang terpaksa ditempuhi oleh jemaah haji. Varthema memasuki Makkah sebagai salah seorang daripada askar upahan yang ditugaskan untuk memastikan keselamatan jemaah haji. Karavan di bawah jagaannya bertolak dari tempat yang dipanggilnya ‘Mezeribe’, berkemungkinan Jubb al-Mazarib yang terletak di Syria pada hari ini. Keberangkatannya telah dinyatakan di dalam catatannya Itinerario:

“Pada 11 April (1503), karavan ini telah bertolak daripada Mezeribe; di sini terdapat 35, 000 ekor unta, dengan lebih kurang 40, 000 jemaah, dan kami, askar Mamluk seramai enam puluh orang bertugas mengawalnya. Satu pertiga daripada jumlah askar Mamluk ini mendahului karavan di hadapan seperti yang biasa dilakukan, satu pertiga lagi berada di bahagian tengah, dan satu pertiga yang lainnya pula berbaris di belakang sekali.”

Salah satu daripada halangan besar yang ditakuti oleh jemaah haji ialah ancaman penyamun yang berterusan. Di dalam catatan Varthema, beliau menceritakan bagaimana karavannya berjaya mengatasi penyamun nomad ini selepas berlakunya pertelingkahan mengenai sumber air.
SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria.

III. EN ROUTE TO MAKKAH: PILGRIMS' VOICES THROUGHOUT THE CENTURIES (LADY EVELYN ZAINAB MURRAY COBBOLD)

LADY EVELYN ZAINAB MURRAY COBBOLD
GREAT BRITAIN
HAJJ 1933 AD / 1352 AH

Lady Evelyn Zainab Murray Cobbold (1867-1963 AD/ 1283- 1382 AH) was the first European women to record her personal experience of Hajj. The eldest daughter of the seventh Earl of Dunmore, she is believed to have embraced Islam during her childhood. Her pilgrimage to Mecca was permitted by King Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud, and she was hosted by Harry St John Bridger Philby, an intrepid British explorer and author, a Muslim convert who had reached Mecca in 1931 AD/ 1349 AH. At the age of 66, Lady Evelyn started her journey by ship from Cairo to the Port of Jeddah, alone.
Once Lady Evelyn had reached Jeddah, she was looked after by Harry St John Philby. As permission to enter the holy city had not yet been received, she occupied her leisure time by travelling in the region and recording her experiences. Muslims pilgrims on their way to Mecca were among the sights that captivated her. As stated in an account dated 28 February 1933/ 3 Dhu’l Qa’dah 1351, while in Jeddah:
“We pass many pilgrims on their way to the Holy Cities, some in motors, some swaying on the camels, and the very poor on foot. The men are clothed in their ihram (or two towels) and bareheaded. The women going to Medina are in black or colours, while those on the road to Mecca are in their pilgrim white. Some of the poor pilgrims from far countries take years on their way.”

On 12 March 1933/ 15 Dhu’l Qa’dah 1351, King Ibn Saud gave permission for Lady Evelyn to enter Mecca.

LADY EVELYN ZAINAB MURRAY COBBOLD
BRITAIN
IBADAH HAJI 1933 M / 1352 H

Lady Evelyn Zainab Murray Cobbold (1867- 1963 M/ 1283- 1382 H) ialah wanita Eropah pertama yang telah merekodkan pengalamannya ketika mengerjakan ibadah haji. Beliau merupakan anak perempuan sulung daripada Earl Dunmore, beliau dipercayai telah memeluk agama Islam semenjak kecil. Pemergiannya ke Makkah telah mendapat keizinan daripada Raja Abdul Aziz Ibnu Saud dan beliau juga menjadi tetamu khas kepada Harry St John Philby, seorang penjelajah Britain yang terkenal dengan keberaniannya. Philby, yang telah memeluk Islam, mengerjakan haji pada tahun 1931 M/ 1349 H. Sewaktu berumur 66 tahun, Lady Evelyn telah memulakan perjalanannya secara bersendirian ke Makkah dengan menaiki kapal laut yang bertolak dari Kaherah ke Pelabuhan Jeddah.

Apabila tiba di Jeddah, Lady Evelyn dijaga oleh Harry St John Philby, yang mempunyai hak istimewa sebagai penasihat British kepada Sultan Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud. Oleh kerana Lady Evelyn belum mendapat kebenaran memasuki kota suci Makkah, beliau telah mengisi masa lapangnya dengan berjalan-jalan di kawasan sekitar dan merekodkan pengalamannya. Antara yang menarik perhatian beliau ialah pergerakkan jemaah haji yang menuju ke Makkah. Ketika di Jeddah, pada tanggal 28 Februari 1933 M / 3 Dhu’l Qa’dah 1351 H, beliau menulis:

“Kami melepasi jemaah yang dalam perjalanan mereka ke Kota Suci, ada yang menaiki kenderaan berenjin, ada yang terhoyong-hayang di atas unta, dan mereka yang miskin hanya berjalan kaki. Golongan lelaki telah siap memakai ihram tanpa penutup kepala. Golongan wanita yang menuju ke Madinah berpakaian hitam, manakala yang menuju ke Makkah pula berpakaian haji berwarna putih. Sesetengah jemaah haji yang miskin dari negara yang jauh mengambil masa yang lama untuk sampai.”

Pada 12 Mac 1933 M / 15 Dhu’l Qa’dah 1351 H, Raja Ibnu Saud telah membenarkan Lady Evelyn untuk memasuki Makkah.

SOURCE: Teks ini adalah hak milik Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Teks adalah panel pameran 'En Route to Mecca: Pilgrims' Voices throughout the Centuries' IAMM. Writer and researcher: Mr. Zulkifli Ishak/ English editor: Mr. Lucien de Guise/ Malay editor: Mrs. Ros Mahwati Ahmad Zakaria. Fotograf2 yang tertera ini mendapat kebenaran daripada Angus Sladen, cucu cicit Lady Evelyn Zainab Murray Cobbold untuk di pamerkan di pameran IAMM.